historical tourism theory and practice

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Colonial Tourism

Eric T. Jennings is a Professor of the History at the University of Toronto (Victoria College). His works include: Imperial Heights: Dalat and the Making and Undoing of French Indochina (University of California Press, 2011), and Curing the Colonizers: Hydrotherapy, Climatology and French Colonial Spas (Duke University Press, 2006). His books have all been translated into French; Imperial Heights is in its second edition in Vietnamese, as well. He is a fellow of the Royal Society of Canada and has held a John Simon Guggenheim Fellowship.

Published: 21 June 2022
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Spanning all continents except for Antarctica, this entry seeks to uncover some of the trends and tropes of colonial tourism. It first considers definitions as well as unique and shared features of colonial travel. It ponders the scale of the phenomenon in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries before analyzing the passage over to the colony, colonial cruises and colonial hunting expeditions. It then turns to power relations at imperial hill stations and spas. It takes on the question of indigenous tourism, tied in part to the rise of an expanding middle-class in a number of different colonial contexts. The entry then engages with armchair travel through colonial exhibits, as well as the issue of non-European imperial tourism. Finally, it discusses postcolonial breaks and continuities during and after the era of decolonization.

Colonial tourism, broadly defined, relates to a host of issues touching on power relations, mobility, practices, sociability, class, gender, health, consumption, identity, and leisure. It sheds light on the construction of the categories of colonizer and colonized, as well as intermediaries between them. It also prompts questions about the role of the colonized in an imperial enterprise—were they victims, collaborators, active participants, or perhaps all three?

What precisely constitutes colonial tourism? Were so-called exotic exhibits held in London, Chicago, Copenhagen, Paris, and beyond forms of tourism aimed at making armchair travelers take the step to becoming full-fledged globetrotters? Do colonial officials on furlough or anthropologists on a mission fit the bill? Were the Orientalists studied by Edward Said tourists per se, or does this elite coterie not bear the hallmarks of modern mass tourism? Certainly, Joseph-Philibert Girault de Prangey’s early (1842–1845) daguerreotypes of Istanbul, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and beyond, reveal a staging and mixing of archeological wonders with a fascination for the so-called exotic, as well as landscape, that at the very least anticipates modern tourism. 1 When he visited the temple of Philae in Egypt in 1844, Girault de Prangey left behind that quintessential touristic imprint, one which subsequently became taboo, a graffiti bearing his name. 2

Eric G. E. Zuelow’s expansive definition of modern tourism as “travel in pursuit of pleasure and an escape from everyday realities” is quite useful in a colonial context, where it encompasses everything from cruise travel to colonial transhumance—the periodic dual quest for altitude and for replicas of Europe in the tropics. 3 In other words, such a wide definition spans at once the occasional traveler on a month’s journey, the seasoned colonial undertaking lateral movements overseas, and an emerging colonized bourgeoisie in search of leisure time.

Both the fields of colonial and tourism studies have been particularly dynamic and rich over the past thirty years, although curiously the intersection of the two has proven less fertile. A number of theoretical points raised in tourism studies are of relevance here. Shelly Baranowksi and Ellen Furlough underscore some of the stigma long associated with “tourists” as opposed to “travelers”—the former being presumably more exploitative and damaging to local settings than the latter. They survey different understandings of tourism, including the notion of liberation and escape through “excursions,” as well as tourism’s relationship with both consumer and visual studies. In particular, they highlight the importance of cultural production around tourism, including advertising, film, posters, postcards, the press, and other media. 4

In most colonial contexts, with the notable exceptions of sites such as the pyramids of Giza, Niagara Falls, Angkor Wat, and Bali, colonial tourism remained relatively modest in scale until the late nineteenth or early twentieth century. Although one must naturally avoid drawing simplistic lines going from “class to mass” in the realm of tourism history, there can be no doubt that the daunting costs associated with long-range tourism prior to the Suez (opened in 1869) and Panama (opened in 1914) canals rendered it an elite activity until the post–World War II era. 5 Transportation limits were not the only brake holding back colonial tourism. Clichés about the lethal tropics, and visions of warm lands as places suitable for deportation to a penal colony rather than leisure sites, informed much nineteenth-century travel literature. In her best-selling 1897 memoir Travels in West Africa, Mary Kingsley remembered quite sensibly beginning her travel planning with a visit to her doctor. The medic pronounced her destination in West Africa the “deadliest place on earth,” while showing her “maps of the geographical distribution of disease,” and concluding: “I wouldn’t go there, if I were you.” 6 So long as sub-Saharan Africa remained known as the white man’s grave, tourism to it remained limited. This would change around the turn of the century, although Kingsley’s own death to fevers in South Africa in 1900 certainly did not brighten the outlook for others.

Sources for the study of colonial tourism include guidebooks and memoirs, posters, and other forms of colonial propaganda, photographs, prescriptive literature, and the press. To be sure, historians glean quite different findings from guidebooks, newspapers, and pamphlets than they do from records of hotel registers, visitors’ books, diaries, or international debates over big game reserves. Yet each of these quite distinct types of sources benefits from being set into dialogue with the other. Each also speaks to the many actors and wrinkles behind colonial tourism. Indeed, sources can reveal the moving parts of touristic strategies, as well as some of the contradictions and ironies tied to imperial tourism. For example, ethnographic writings informed colonial guidebooks, which did not prevent ethnographers from occasionally heaping scorn at the rudimentary and unnuanced assertions of such popularized texts. 7

A growing current within the field of tourism studies seeks to reject binaries. It also challenges conventions according to which tourism has somehow “ruined” previously “pristine” societies. It further tends to reject the corollary notion that people on the receiving end of touristic flows are somehow straightforward “victims.” And yet, in colonial settings, early “ethno-tourism,” for lack of a better term, did cast an exploitative imperial gaze on the colonized. It rested on civilizational and racial differentiation, and enacted a set of hierarchical relations. 8

Colonial tourism was certainly not unique. It shared many tropes and norms with European and North American vogues, be it mountaineering, the lure of the sea, taking the waters, or hunting. Indeed, colonial relationships could be multilayered. Moreover, quite apart from the “overrepresentation” of Corsicans, Basques, and Bretons in the French colonial services, and Welsh and Scottish ones in both missionary organizations and as formal agents of the British empire, one can of course cast colonial tourism as an intra-European phenomenon as well. As Eugen Weber long ago noted, the diaries of Parisian travelers in remote parts of France drew constant “civilizing” and “bush” parallels with overseas colonial missions, be they in Tunisia or West Africa. 9 Much the same could be said of London’s gaze toward Ireland and Scotland, or Rome’s toward the south of the Italian boot.

Yet in some respects, overseas colonial tourism stood apart. As Colette Zytnicki and others have asserted, tourism in this context can be seen as an instrument of domination, even though, as she underscores, it involved a multitude of actors, including colonial officials, local notables, corporations, travelers, and the colonized, of course. Furthermore, some forms of tourism proved more or less uniquely colonial, including the fascination with the exotic, with deserts and their oases or with big game that had become scarce in most European settings. 10

Transportation and Cruises

The passage over constitutes at once a point of commonality and difference with other forms of tourism. Indeed, the trip, be it across the Mediterranean or around the world, was on average far more of an expedition in colonial cases. The distinction between travelers on official business, colonial administrators, short-term adventure seekers, anthropologists, missionaries, writers, and other characters on board vessels bound for the colonies could sometimes be tenuous—some certainly checked off more than one proverbial box. Consider, for example, the case of Marguerite Duras’s family, drawn to a career and life in Indochina, according to her, by a poster aiming at attracting tourists, rather than settlers, to the region. 11 Yet by the twentieth century at least, advertisers zeroed in on specific tourist categories. These were no ordinary advertisers. Package tour operators and travel companies such as Thomas Cook proved to be key, even near monopoly agents for organizing travel to Australia, for instance. 12

Similarly, the French Compagnie Transatlantique distributed elegant passenger lists to those on board both its cruises and regular transport ships to the colonies. Missionaries, administrators, and wealthy planters rubbed shoulders around the swimming pool, and celebrated the crossing of the tropics (with a good-natured Neptune-themed celebration on deck), long before reaching the colony. Sensing a fine business opportunity, between the world wars the Compagnie also offered tours of French colonial North Africa commencing in New York. Their 1933 flyer promised a mood and setting akin to a “country club” aboard the De Grasse . It held out hope that travelers would form “some social or business friendship that will be cherished for years to come.” With all of this networking and on-board luxury, Morocco nearly became an afterthought. Yet colonial cues are omnipresent in the colorful flyer. The cruise itself is presented as an “invasion of the Barbary Coast.” Casablanca is celebrated as an “age-old startlingly modern city,” a dual emphasis that provides nods to both preservationist and avant-gardist colonial thrusts. Algiers is cast in vaguer terms: “every moment is precious and there is so much to see and to remember.” Among the flyer’s crisp pitches are “Farewell to winter,” “Across the longest gangplank in the world amid Parisian atmosphere,” and finally “days of enchantment, nights of mystery.” 13

Colonial cruises achieved a degree of popularity between the two world wars. In 1937, a French imperial agency noted that the customers now taking colonial cruises would never had been in a position to visit Egypt, Madagascar, Canada, Madagascar, or Mauritius thirty years prior (note the mix of formal French colonies and former areas of indirect French influence). Still, this source recognized, only a very specific social category was able to undertake such a journey. Indeed, a cruise to Indochina, the French South Pacific, or Madagascar lasted between eighty and one hundred days, thereby setting limits to the types of people able to afford the time away from their regular activities (retirees or the independently wealthy). As for financial costs, the Messageries Maritimes and Chargeurs Réunis had decided to cut prices, offering touristic cruises at more or less the cost of basic return tickets. Yet for all of these transformations, their clientele remained limited. In 1936, a Messageries Maritimes cruise to the South Pacific counted only some sixty tourists, and another to Indochina eighty-five in total. 14 Some of the travelers were independently wealthy, others retired administrators, and others still priests. This puts into perspective the document’s claim that these two companies were benefiting from a “trend” of colonial cruises.

Hunting and Safaris

In some ways, international big game hunters defied the boundaries of empires and metropoles. These globetrotters were specifically attracted to lands they considered “virgin,” in which large game had not yet been depleted. The Harrison brothers constitute an eloquent example. Francis Burton Harrison served as US governor to the Philippines from 1913 to 1921; his brother Archibald Cary Harrison was best known as a hunting enthusiast. The two siblings were passionate about this occupation which took them around the world: they shot game in highland Indochina and on the “frozen lakes of Canada,” as well as along Scottish lochs. Harrison’s tribute to his brother after his death used hunting to channel virtues of aristocracy, masculinity, but also, interestingly, conservation: “Generous and courteous to his companions, even tempered and calm in difficulties, modest and utterly indifferent in danger, and at heart, a true conservationist of game.” Danger, of course, constituted a key element that set colonial hunting apart, for the Harrison brothers hunted bears in Canada and tigers in Indochina, as opposed to less threatening grouse in Britain. Moreover, the Harrisons rubbed shoulders with the likes of Reginald George Burton, a British hunter and colonial hero who had penned books with the suitably sensational titles of Man Eaters and The Book of the Tiger . 15

During their time in Indochina, the Archibalds also contributed to conservation, albeit in a roundabout way (see Moranda, this volume). A 1917 letter from Indochina’s governor general Albert Sarraut to his superior in Paris noted the growing number of hunting visitors in the central Lang Bian plateau area. He mentioned the visit of Governor Francis Harrison the year prior and announced his return the following year. He also bemoaned the “barbaric and irrational hecatombs” that “some European hunters” had exacted on local fauna with the sole goal of “accumulating the greatest number of heads, without taking into consideration species or sexes of the animals.” 16 This led Sarraut to establish a game reserve, with an eye to protecting tigers, but also the increasingly rare gaur. Although Sarraut did not mention his American peer by name, the Harrisons too had clearly exacted a heavy toll on nature. Evidence of this can be found in the vast collection of game trophies they donated to the Bronx Zoo and to the American Museum of Natural History.

Archibald Harrison’s narration of his Indochinese travels dwells on some of his French collaborators and on the many species he slew with them, including the two breeds—tigers and panthers—which still earned hunters a bounty at the time. Although they barely earn a mention, it is clear that local indigenous people had helped lift the Harrisons to the highland hunting area on their backs from the train station on colonial “sedan chairs,” and had served as hunting guides and assistants. 17 Other sources suggest that local indigenous groups acted to moderate the hunt. For instance, in 1920, American hunter Henry C. Flower Jr. recounted that his guides in Indochina had adamantly refused to see him kill more than one tiger per expedition, as they were convinced that misfortune would befall them if more than one tiger were felled. Similar beliefs are conveyed by a number of hunters, even in colonial fiction. Pierre Croidys’s 1938 Seigneur Tigre et son Royaume (Lord Tiger and his Kingdom) also relates a conviction that spirits would exact revenge on those who shot tigers. 18 Apart from their moderating influence, local people were not just central to the hunt, they were also massively more numerous than the white shooters who fancied themselves alone with their rifles atop their elephants or behind their hunting blinds.

Colonial hunting sometimes dovetailed with other forms of tourism. For example, in 1912, colonial authorities established a hunting reserve in the southeastern quadrant of the famous ruins of the Angkor Wat temple complex. They ordered hundreds of Cambodians to trap and gather deer, pheasant, peacocks, and elk from far and wide, and had them transported to the new reserve by ship, along lakes and rivers. As a consequence, travelers thereafter could combine visits to the expansive temple complex with an afternoon of hunting (the archives are unfortunately silent as to whether the six elks brought to the area were able to reproduce before becoming trophies). 19 A 1937 Indochinese hunting brochure is riddled with ads for hotels, vehicle rental services, outfitters, rifles, photo equipment, and the like. Its final advertisement reads: “Come hunt in Indochina, and take advantage of your stay to witness the famous ruins of Angkor. Come stay at the new Siemrep (Angkor) hotel CHEZ VERGOZ, which will organize your expeditions in an area that … still offers some of the best game.” 20 The word “still” was somewhat misleading insofar as game had been imported there en masse twenty-five years earlier.

Nature reserves in colonial settings owe their genesis to several currents and institutions, including the path-breaking US national park network (Yellowstone was the first, founded in 1872). Yet the first hunting restrictions, and the early hunting reserves just described, also proved influential in this regard. In the Belgian Congo, for instance, some of the hunting reserves created in the 1920s morphed into full-fledged national parks in 1934. 21 Conservation had become a sine qua non for continuing to lure the hunting tourist. This fits the chronology established by John Mackenzie for the British empire, who sees an initial moderation of the colonial hunt in the nineteenth century, followed by an era of oversight in the early twentieth century, and finally the establishment of reserves and conservation areas between the two world wars. 22

In addition to constituting “a ritualized … display of white dominance” 23 the colonial hunt also operated as a social facilitator, a point of contact with indigenous populations, as well as a source of dialogue between metropole and colony (hunting narratives were popular reads back home). As we have just seen, it also held a key place in a colonial tourism sector that increasingly sought to offer hunting as one of several draws to be combined with the visit of archeological sites, for instance (see Gordon , this volume).

Power Relations

The carrying of hunters atop the backs of indigenous porters was only one example of exploitative practices that clearly set colonial tourism apart. Many a colonial manual contained equally revealing phrases in local languages aimed at colonial tourists in alien settings. Thus a 1931 guide to Madagascar featured a litany of orders in basic Malagasy, intended to allow travelers to get by while maintaining imperial hierarchies. They included: “Give me something to drink”; “Climb up there”; “Leave me alone”; “Don’t talk back”; “I require twelve porters”; “Give me a good horse”; “Lend me some money”; and “Cook some rice.” Following the “orders” section, the guide provided sample questions that proved no less revealing. Among them one finds: “Aren’t you ashamed of yourself?”; “Have you brushed my shoes?”; and “Why have you acted in this manner?” 24 Although one can debate how useful or used such Berlitz phrasebook type of sentences actually were in everyday situations, the samples provided certainly speak to the power dynamic behind colonial tourism encounters (see Stanonis , this volume).

Hill Stations

Nowhere were colonial power relations made more starkly clear than in so-called “hill stations” and colonial spas. Unlike the forms of tourism analyzed earlier, hill stations and spas generally catered to colonists on location, offering them a replica of home, a respite in a cool microclimate. These “belvederes of empire” proliferated in Malaysia, Ceylon, and mainland British India, as well as in Dutch, French, and US colonies in Asia. 25 Hill stations often served as unofficial summer seats of power. With their regional European architecture, their familiar scenery, and cool breezes, they also acted as nostalgic triggers for homesick colonials. In this sense, they constituted a special type of colonial tourism, one implicating settlers and officials on location wishing to escape the tropics. The ritualized transhumance to the hills was part and parcel of the colonial lifestyle from India (Simla) to Ceylon (Nuwara Eliya), and on to Cameroon (Dschang) by way of Indochina (Dalat) and the Dutch East Indies (Bandung). 26

There was unmistakable emulation at work among imperial hill stations. The authorities in French Indochina sent teams to study the hill stations of the Dutch East Indies, the American-controlled Philippines, and the British Raj. Inspired by these examples, they ordered the construction of a web of hill stations across Indochina. Each possessed its grand hotel, cottages, pine forests, and other reminders of home. The lavish spending on these sites elicited criticism from colonizer and colonized alike. For instance, a Franco-Vietnamese reformer named Eugène Dejean de la Batie took aim at Bokor, Cambodia’s hill station. He wrote in 1925: “In Indochina, the current mood promotes daring methods and sumptuous hotels. After all, we must attract American multi-millionaire tourists, right?” De la Batie then quipped that Bokor needed giant ventilation fans more than it did a grand hotel, for the former, rather than the latter, could best combat its real enemy: stubborn fog. 27

Climate tourism in early twentieth century colonial settings dictated the construction of vast public works projects of this type. The question remains whether this kind of internal, lateral, and periodic movement of white populations within the colonies shared much in common with broader tourist trends. A 1926 guidebook to Indochina provides a clue in this regard. It reads: “Tourists and residents! Indochina possesses many attractions: archeological sites, hunting grounds, tourist areas, beaches, hydro-mineral spas … All deserve to be discovered. However, in the interest of your health, you should undertake once a year a mountain cure in one of our hill stations: Bana (Annam), Bokor (Cambodia), Cascade d’Argent (Tonkin), Chapa (Tonkin), Dalat (Annam.).” 28 In this way, hill stations were at once conceived as cogs in a broader tourism sector, and unique agents of healthfulness (see Mathieu , this volume).

The same 1926 guide mentioned water as well as altitude cures. Taking the waters might at first appear no different an activity in the colonies than at Bath, Vittel, or Marienbad in Europe, or Saratoga Springs or Banff in North America. And yet, as with hill stations, spas operated as powerful reminders of home in imperial settings. Acclimatization theorists, who posited the need for Europeans to undertake a series of carefully executed rituals and regimens to survive in the tropics, soon identified spas as colonial facilitators, rendering tropical life possible for whites. Two logics were at work here, one having to do with chemical composition, the other with older telluric theories. Indeed, tropical doctors established equivalencies in mineral content between spas in the colonies and in Europe. Yet at the same time, a logic of place dictated to some colonials that the key to overcoming the ills of the tropics should be found in the wholesome springs of that very land.

In Spanish Mexico, the colonizers sought to strip the Mesoamerican temazcal or steam bath of most of its social and religious significance and to merge it into European spa culture. By the late eighteenth century, Spanish doctors and scientists were taking samples of waters in various corners of Mexico so as to ascertain their precise healing functions. Soon, new hydromineral establishments were created to attract the local bourgeoisie for its ritualized water-taking. The eighteenth-century bathing establishment at Peñón de los Baños fostered the same sort of activities and luxuries that water seekers might have found at Harrogate or Spa in Europe. By the nineteenth century, some Mexican spas began catering to less well-to-do customers, making water cures a national mainstay (see Wood , this volume). In the Dutch East Indies (present-day Indonesia) Dutch scientists, who showed more trust in acclimatization than some of their more skeptical European counterparts, advocated water therapies in the mid-nineteenth century. A visiting German doctor recommended combining them with hill station visits. In South Africa, meanwhile, spas contributed to the entire colony’s reputation as a health resort, attracting health seekers, especially victims of tuberculosis, from as far as Britain. By the late nineteenth century, promotional literature made spas part and parcel of South Africa’s touristic appeal (see Pirie , this volume). 29

In French colonies, one can identify a veritable hydromineral-imperial complex. Spa visits were regulated, integrated into colonial furloughs, and promoted as essential reinvigorating, rewhitening experiences. The French empire, like the Roman one long before it, rested on its thermae . 30 In Algeria, spas were interspersed across the colony: Hammam-Berda lay halfway between Bône and Constantine; Hammam-Mekoutine near Guelma, Salah-Bey, and Biskra in the Constantine area; the Queen’s Baths in the suburbs of Oran, Hammam-Melouane, and Aïoun-Sekhakhna near Algiers; and finally Hammam-Rhira roughly 100 kilometers from the capital. This hydromineral density meant that colonials could readily take the waters on location, in addition to the medical pilgrimages which elites undertook annually to resorts such as Vichy, Plombières, and Vals-les-Bains, in mainland France (the competition between local and metropolitan spa constituted a recurring leitmotif in administrative correspondence). 31

Yet for all these efforts to make colonial spas the preserve of Europeans, the archival record attests to the ongoing indigenous uses of these same waters for medical purposes. At Korbous in Tunisia, the colonizers scoffed at local Muslims and Jews for making “incorrect” uses of the waters, but noted with some surprise that they, like French doctors, recommended a twenty-one-day treatment regimen. 32 Similarly, at Hammam-Rhira in Algeria in 1880, one Dr. E. Renard derided the supposedly irrational and unscientific use of waters by local populations. He railed: “I will let you be the judge of such thermal treatments. Establishments in France would yield mediocre therapeutic results, and slim profit margins, if their bathers behaved the way indigenous Africans do!” 33

Ultimately, separation was seen as the solution for distinguishing European from indigenous water practices. In neighboring Algeria, by the second half of the nineteenth century, spas had been segregated. A colonial doctor wrote of Hammam-Rhira in 1879: “The civil establishment … is divided into two parts, one reserved to Arabs in the foreground … In front one sees a small Moorish café, with on either side, rooms where the Arabs can rest after their baths … Further back, four pools are reserved to them. Behind that, and high above, stands the European spa building.” As a net result, in 1883, a certain Dr. Brandt was able to reassure British customers, in English no less, about the strict segregation in place at Hammam-Rirha: “There are distinct and separate baths for visitors at the hotel; for the Jews, an establishment apart from the hotel; and for the Arabs in a building in front and below the hotel. Visitors need fear no annoyance or inconvenience from the latter, though they do flock in numbers.” 34 In other words, notwithstanding the resort’s name, a European visitor and patient could feel at Hammam-Rirha as if they were at Spa, Baden-Baden, or la Bourboule. Here was a form of tourism that elided the colony altogether (see Borsay , this volume).

“Native” Tourism

One of the hallmarks of hill stations and spas involved the colonial desire to escape the local, be it local people or local climates, and to create a small-scale replica of the motherland in situ. In this context, getting away from the colonized was tantamount to escapism, one of the chief leitmotifs of tourism. Yet, as Dane Kennedy has underscored, British planners were soon faced with the ironic reality that their pinnacles of power had begun to attract Indians. Initially, Indian princes forged their way into places like Simla, which acted as unofficial seats of imperial power during the hot season. Although some British officials considered this a positive development, others viewed it as a racialized “incursion” into a British bubble. Soon, the Indian middle classes followed suit, emulating the aristocracy. The British reaction to this widening appeal was all the more hysterical. In 1902, for instance, Lord Curzon railed against the purchase of a house in Simla by a Bengali zamindar . Yet barring Indians entirely was ultimately deemed impractical and counterproductive. Consequently, by 1904, ninety of Matheran hill station’s dwellings were Indian owned, for roughly eleven that were in the hands of Britons. By 1902, H. H. Risley bemoaned that “there is an increasing tendency on the part of wealthy natives to spend the hot weather in the hills.” Indeed, guidebooks aimed at Indian visitors reveal at once an appropriation of the sites and an embracing of the colonial logic for taking to the hills in the first place. Some championed them as disease-free sites. One depicted Matheran as a place to “forget all the troubles and responsibilities of … every-day life and plunge … headlong into the delightful heaven of the peace of Nature.” 35 One should underscore that much like the colonists, these Indians were tourists: they purchased cottages, secondary homes in the hills, not main residences. By 1915, wealthy Indians had purchased some of the most desirable properties in Simla, the crown jewel of British hill stations, and a putative preserve of Englishness. 36

In French colonies, as well, indigenous elites and even the middle classes were playing a greater and greater role in the tourism sector beginning in the early twentieth century. A number of Algerians, including an interpreter, a midranking official, a mechanic, a carpenter, and a tailor had joined the “Touring club algérien” by 1913. This organization was devoted to promoting tourism in Algeria, be it by bicycle, rail, ship, or automobile. Their motivations remain unclear: some may well have sought to attract tourists to their business, while others were no doubt avid travelers themselves in this era of increased mobility. 37

In French Indochina, middle-class Vietnamese tourism witnessed a meteoric rise between the two world wars. For instance, in Annam (central Vietnam today), the number of “internal” tourists rose from 457 to 3,000 per annum between 1933 and 1937. Several factors explain this shift: greater access to transport, be it rail or automobiles, and the rising strength of a local merchant and business class. These local tourists took stock of their territory, learned about it, and often vowed to defend it. For example, in 1923, Vietnam’s future Prime Minister Tran Trong Kim visited the Hai Ninh region near the border with China. His travel notes double as a political manifesto, in which he urges his compatriots and colonial officials alike to stem Chinese intrusions, halt Chinese migration, and to “Vietnamize” the entire border area. 38 Tourism was fast becoming entangled with patriotism, as it was in other contexts, such as in Latin American or Europe. 39 By 1934, the Vietnamese-language press was publishing articles tellingly titled “In our country, where should we go for summer vacation?” It surveyed beaches and hill stations. It sought to normalize emerging European conceptions of leisure time, with the following assertion that merged concerns over work-life balance with older, telluric, and humoral models of healthfulness: “In order to stay healthy, everyone should have summer vacation, be it for a long time or a short time, in cool regions like mountains or beaches.” 40

Exhibits: Armchair Colonial Adventure

Colonial exhibits were legion, be they a smaller component of a world’s fair, or a full-fledged event of their own. The Indian exhibits at the Indian and Colonial Exhibition of 1886 included displays of art, architecture, economic goods, silks, and anthropological studies. This was one of countless extravaganzas in Britain revolving around the jewel in the crown of the British empire, India. The twenty-four-acre Earl’s Court Exhibition Grounds were rebuilt in 1894 by the impresario Imre Kiralfy in a Mughal Indian style. The Empire of India Exhibition opened on the site in 1895. Highlights included the two-story Empress Theatre, which could seat 6,000 viewers for Kiralfy’s spectacle plays, and the 300-feet-high Ferris wheel, whose forty carriages could each accommodate thirty people. One of the mainstays was “India: A Grand Historical Spectacle,” written and directed by Kiralfy and performed in the Empress Theatre. It presented the history of India, from 1024 to the present day, in dance, mime, and songs. 41

The Dutch, too, organized massive colonial spectacles. The most important was that of 1883. Interestingly, to counter the more popular and voyeuristic dimension which the Dutch organizers ascribed to foreign colonial displays, a series of lectures and conferences were organized prior to the event. They showcased international experts on everything from labor matters in the colonies to tropical diseases. The public was also invited to speakers’ series dealing for instance with the flora and fauna of the Dutch East Indies. Many of the events were held at Amsterdam’s equivalent of the Crystal Palace, the Palace of Industry. The 1883 event was explicitly comparative, examining how the Dutch stacked up against other colonial powers. A heavy emphasis was placed on peoples of the colonies, in an ethnographic section. Statistics were dispensed, and artifacts were displayed. The net result was a visit focused on peoples, races, tools and implements, hunting, agriculture, utensils, and their uses. 42

The question remains, although they certainly promoted travel to the “exotic” colonies, did these many spectacles constitute forms of colonial tourism per se? Already at the 1906 colonial exhibit in Marseille, a colorful poster promised visitors the opportunity to immerse themselves into a colonial setting. They could enjoy “Indochinese theatre” as well as “educational, amusing and recreational” sessions of cinematography offering “views of all of Indochina’s constituent parts.” These forty-five-minute projections included a focus on “customs and mores, religious ceremonies, theatre, celebrations, towns and boulevards, markets, schools, railways, tramways, the navy, crops, river navigation, opium production centers, indigenous soldiers, automobiles, races” and especially, in bold letters “comical and amusing images.” 43 In this sense, experientially the exhibit was certainly promoted as a form of tourism.

Similarly, Ellen Furlough describes the 1931 colonial exhibit outside of Paris as featuring “simulated travel.” Building on nineteenth-century diaporamas, wax museums and early cinema, all mediums used to achieve a new “spectacular reality,” 44 the 1931 exhibit sought to achieve exactitude, as evidenced in its cloning of the main temple of Angkor Wat—a huge replica which towered over Paris’ southeastern skyline. Press reports and other testimonies show that many visitors took the “around the world in a day” promotion message seriously, and deemed the visit an “experiential journey.” One visitor admitted to virtual homesickness: “I couldn’t tell where I was … Tonkin or Africa?” Yet the ubiquitous brochures and kiosks aimed at attracting tourists to the actual colonies themselves constituted one reminder that this was a simulacrum. 45

Visitors’ testimonies were not uniformly positive, nor were all visitors credulously convinced that they had just visited the colonies. Communists and Surrealists set up a counterexhibit that violently critiqued empire. Two less politically engaged visitors, Jean Camp and André Corbier, penned a humorous and gently satirical narration of their visit to the 1931 exhibit. It unrelentingly poked fun at armchair travelers. The need for a guide, the displaying of resources that were being brutally extracted from the colonies at considerable human cost, the absurdity of the exhibit’s layout with Djibouti facing Tahiti, the gaudy advertising of corporate sponsors all earned barbs. Yet the most verve was reserved for fellow visitors. The volume’s illustrations included a sketch of tourists being photographed in front of the giant Angkor temple replica, and another showing some decidedly bourgeois “great colonials: the electro-car conductor, the chair renter and the map salesmen”—all ridiculously outfitted in pith helmets. Nor did the satirical authors miss the exhibit’s objective of achieving authenticity. They related their guide’s scripted speech, which ran as follows: “We consider you, dear visitors, as people of good taste. No drum or belly dances, none of the bazar shop windows that have discredited too many previous colonial exhibits. Here we have rebuilt tropical life in all of its authentic picturesque and in its color.” 46 Clearly, not all consumers were duped.

Japanese Colonial Tourism

The 1931 colonial exhibit in Paris did stand out in one interesting respect: it featured rival colonial empires, including those of Italy, Denmark, the Netherlands, the United States, and Portugal (Britain declined to participate as the Great Depression was taking too heavy an economic toll). Is this to suggest that colonial tourism essentially concerned only Europeans and North Americans? In point of fact, Europeans and North Americans held no monopoly over colonial tourism.

In 1930s Taiwan under Japanese control, a tourism club facilitated the operations of Japanese package tours. Tour highlights included visits of aborigines. The latter were frequently depicted on postcards that Japanese tourists sent home. They were presented as receptive to Japanese “progress,” cooperative, yet “culturally intact.” This was not just a romanticized vision of so-called primitivism, as was pervasive in so many colonial settings; it was also specifically directed at the local context. Indeed, the implication was that highland aboriginal people were somehow “uncontaminated” by ethnic Han influence, in an era of heightened Japanese-Chinese tensions. As for the Japanese tourists themselves, who purchased and sent these artifacts, vacationing in Japan’s “first colony” appears to have stoked nationalist sentiment among these travelers, developing a sense of their country’s “civilizational” élan, and underscoring its exporting of modernity (see Hall , this volume). 47

Epilogue: Postcolonial Continuities

In February 1933, the Central Council of International Tourism convened in Cairo. Its organizers decided to dedicate an annual prize to the finest tourist poster. King Fuad I of Egypt provided the requisite trophy. 48 Nations and empires the world over scrambled to decide on their submission the year following. As empires waned—the British formally withdrew from Egypt in 1956, France had been driven out of Indochina in 1954, the Dutch from Indonesia in 1949, and the United States from the Philippines in 1946—how would travel to former colonial destinations be couched? Would such posters abandon exotic clichés in favor of newly minted national flags or symbols?

The answer turns out to be far less straightforward than might be expected. By the mid-twentieth century, the magnetic appeal of the beach had definitively supplanted hill stations and watering holes. And, to some extent, a representation of beach is a representation of a beach, be it in Tahiti, Aruba, Cuba, Tunisia, or Egypt. Beyond the sea, it is surprising to what extent colonial tropes have endured and even been recycled. In modern-day Vietnam, a giant Disney-like replica of France now towers over the former modest hill station of Bana, on a site once intended to remind French colonials of home. It draws an emerging Vietnamese middle-class seeking an idealized and miniaturized Europe, much as further afield in Asia, Bollywood maintains a “long-standing love affair with Switzerland.” 49 In Britain, meanwhile, “old India hands” have perpetuated Raj nostalgia by tending to plaques, cemeteries and the like, thereby keeping the empire a “living memory” back home. In the second instance, it is the former colonizer who perpetuates “fantasies of dominance.” 50 These are never far beneath the surface to this day, as can be gleaned from expatriate attitudes in the so-called third world, or from tourist garb and forms of entitlement.

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Previously disregarded factors are now included in development theory and practice. A narrow understanding of capital has had profound effects on development as well as on tourism policy and governance. In this framework, purpose-designed tourism for development has been the exception. Contemporary ideas of other forms of capital playing a key role in a broader concept of development are examined, specifically the central function of human and social-institutional capital. Human capital is seen in the light of capabilities, attributes, and knowledge possessed by individuals. Social-institutional capital may empower individuals as it refers to the value of trust and cooperation deriving from formal and informal sets of behavioral rules. This chapter clarifies the foundations of tourism as an instrument for development if tourism policy and governance are designed and implemented within an adequate framework.

The FAS Model: Destination Analysis and Governance

Destination management is in urgent need of analytical and policy tools, and even more so in the context of tourism for development programs. Understanding both structural elements and dynamic processes are essential. This chapter describes a model of destinations which considers three types of structural components: f actors/resources, a ttractors (of tourism demand), and s upport systems. It analyzes as well the optimizing behavior of destination stakeholders, both endogenous and exogenous, as a way to understand destination dynamics. The model can be applied in the strategic positioning of destinations as well as in achieving competitiveness and sustainability—ultimately contributing to development—through tourism policy plans and governance processes. The model was born in the context of a European Eureka–ComTur research project, and has been tested in a variety of destinations.

Sustainability Issues: Tourism as an Instrument for Development

In parallel to the rising popularity of the sustainability paradigm, the idea that tourism may contribute to development and poverty alleviation has also received increased acceptance. The literature questions whether sustainability could act as a barrier to development or whether conservation and development are two different goals that should be implemented in unison. This chapter maintains the second view and discusses the ways in which sustainability and development support each other by drawing from both streams of research. A sustainability viewpoint can address some of the challenges that the use of tourism for development faces.

Tourism Policy and Governance for Development

This chapter proposes a methodology to determine tourism policies that are effective in addressing the challenges of tourism as an instrument for development. A three-step process is proposed, including the preparation of a Green Paper that defines the different actors in the tourism system, as well as their functions vis-à-vis policy options; a White Paper that determines strategic positioning and a roadmap for action based on the diagnosis and analysis of the destination; and a Tourism Policy Plan that delineates the different governance actions. The model is examined from the perspective of the use of tourism as an instrument for development, with a consideration of the destination’s human, social capital, and participative governance systems.

The Role of Regional Agencies: Tourism Development in Turkey

Regional development agencies (RDAs) have recently been established in Turkey as a policy vehicle to support local governments and coordinate stakeholders’ activities. In compliance with the European Union policy guidelines, regional-level planning and policymaking are introduced for the first time in Turkey. Within the new system, tourism is designated as one of the critical development tools and thus the RDAs have become actively involved in tourism planning and development. The purpose of this chapter is to analyze the role of these organizations in the enhancement of tourism in less developed areas, examining the case of Thrace and North Anatolia regions in Turkey, and the activities of these respective agencies.

Governance by Excess: The Case of Vietnam

With many great attractions, both natural and cultural, Vietnam has all the trappings of popular destinations. Over the last few years, it has developed them to a qualified success. This chapter analyzes Vietnam’s performance. In tourism development and overall, it remains lackluster because of excessive bureaucratic governance that thwarts healthy development. National authorities and specialized agencies exert massive control and stand on the way of successful economic performance. The legal framework for tourism development is a paragon of intrusive intervention in many areas that would perform better if left to the market.

Tourism and Development in Singapore

Singapore has seen success as an international destination with a steady rise in arrivals since the city-state became an independent republic in 1965. Tourism development is part of a broader program of economic and physical centralized planning which has transformed the island. The government has been very active and its pro-tourism policies have created an infrastructure and supply of attractions which render the country a center for leisure and business tourism. One element of the strategy has been constant upgrading and investment aimed at revitalization and sometimes reinvention. However, the authorities are facing unprecedented challenges due to general development pressures. Changing circumstances will demand a reappraisal of tourism policies and underlying assumptions.

Indigenous Tourism and Events for Community Development in Australia

Tourism and events have been identified as providing opportunities to revitalize regional and remote economies. In Australia such areas have limited economic opportunities and are constrained by a range of development barriers, including access to markets and human capital. Importantly, tourism in particular is seen as an economic activity that provides scope for Indigenous communities and individuals in regional and remote parts of the country to leverage development opportunities. A number of the island communities of the Torres Strait, the most northern region in Australia, are exploring the potential of tourism and events as an economic development strategy, yet the region is severely constrained by a number of development barriers.

A Tourism Governance Proposal in Mexico: The Magic Towns Program

This chapter focuses on the Pueblos Mágicos (Magic Towns) Program to determine the social and economic benefits of a public tourism intervention with governance characteristics in small towns with cultural and natural resources. The chapter examines the evolution of social development through indicators that measures the lack of this development, and also analyzes information collected from the residents about their perceptions. At first glance, there are elements to affirm with the insights from final beneficiaries, that the governance action really improves their living conditions.

Tourism in Colombia: Growth versus Development

This chapter aims to develop a broad understanding of the relationship between tourism and development in Colombia for the period 1996–2012 through two complementary analyses. After a review of secondary sources, high-impact public policies related to tourism are analyzed, as well as the gains and gaps to be overcome. The main findings points out that Colombia is at a juncture where tourism is starting to bloom. Whatever is planned and how it is done in terms of public policy will determine the future model for its development. As such, tourism can become a strategic instrument for decentralization processes, regional and local dynamics, and strengthening the rule of law.

Tourism Policy in Argentina: The Case of the Buenos Aires Province

Tourism policies focusing on economic growth in Argentina, at both regional and national levels, were established at the start of the 21 st century. In most cases, typically such policies resulted more in wishful thinking for a growth in tourism than in concrete outcomes involving the local population and improving their quality of life. However, an interesting case study is the development plan drawn up by the Province of Buenos Aires. In contrast to others, this project actually has been effective, by involving a wide spectrum of the southwest inhabitant of the province and hence turning tourism into an economic and social development tool.

Times of Tourism: Development and Sustainability in Lanzarote, Spain

This chapter presents a global insight of the processes used in Lanzarote of Spain, a typical mass tourism destination which has combined growth with environmental protection and political commitment to sustainability. Tourism has been the key element of the development of the Canary Islands and helped in the construction of cultural identity and current social dynamics, as well as being the main source of direct and indirect economic resources. However, a detailed analysis reveals the paradox of tourism development and a progressive increase of the economic dependency of the industry, limited by the action of the local population who has seen improvements in their standard of living due to the implementation and development of tourism.

Tourism Development in Finland: Destination Management and Policy

The two Finnish tourism development cases presented in this chapter illustrate the importance of linking national tourism policies to regional destination development strategies and projects. However, balancing national policies, regional strategies, and tourism development structured in projects is demanding. This is especially evident in regions where tourism can be characterized as peripheral, small scale, and seasonal, as in the region of Ostrobothnia in Finland. This chapter elaborates on three strategic dimensions to accelerate regional tourism development and leverage the gap between tourism policies and practices. These are the foundation of regional tourism development teams, acknowledging the power of business hub structures, and to make policymakers into friends.

South Africa’s Tourism Development Journey

Nearly two decades into South Africa’s democracy, this chapter describes the most recent policy and strategy initiatives to ensure sustainable development and to enhance the country’s tourism competitiveness. It discusses the key national tourism policies, plans, and strategies, which together provide the framework for tourism development and management in the country. The importance of balancing a “top-down” framework with “bottom-up” local engagement is emphasized as a cornerstone of South Africa’s future tourism journey. In line with the philosophy that “structure should follow strategy”, the institutional framework to manage tourism during the next planning period is outlined. The discussion concludes with the critical success factors to enhance South Africa’s future sustainable tourism competitiveness.

Political Uncertainty: Challenge to Egyptian Tourism Policy

This chapter traces the Egyptian tourism policies since the 1980s and showcases patterns of successes and pitfalls of plans instrumented by such policies. It also debates the extent to which Egyptian tourism policies and strategies have been able to cope with the shifting international trends and comprehend the most recent models of development with all its economic, technological, and environmental dimensions. The discussion illustrates different plans/tools employed to achieve broad goals and discusses influences of their implementation. This sheds light on the current uncertain political situation and problems posed by such unstable circumstances.

Conclusion: Strategic Policy and Governance in Tourism for Development

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Constructivist Learning Theory and Creating Effective Learning Environments

First Online: 30 October 2021

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Joseph Zajda 36

Part of the book series: Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research ((GCEP,volume 25))

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This chapter analyses constructivism and the use of constructivist learning theory in schools, in order to create effective learning environments for all students. It discusses various conceptual approaches to constructivist pedagogy. The key idea of constructivism is that meaningful knowledge and critical thinking are actively constructed, in a cognitive, cultural, emotional, and social sense, and that individual learning is an active process, involving engagement and participation in the classroom. This idea is most relevant to the process of creating effective learning environments in schools globally. It is argued that the effectiveness of constructivist learning and teaching is dependent on students’ characteristics, cognitive, social and emotional development, individual differences, cultural diversity, motivational atmosphere and teachers’ classroom strategies, school’s location, and the quality of teachers. The chapter offers some insights as to why and how constructivist learning theory and constructivist pedagogy could be useful in supporting other popular and effective approaches to improve learning, performance, standards and teaching. Suggestions are made on how to apply constructivist learning theory and how to develop constructivist pedagogy, with a range of effective strategies for enhancing meaningful learning and critical thinking in the classroom, and improving academic standards.

The unexamined life is not worth living (Socrates, 399 BCE).

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Zajda, J. (2021). Constructivist Learning Theory and Creating Effective Learning Environments. In: Globalisation and Education Reforms. Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research, vol 25. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71575-5_3

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Angels Make MLB History With Home Runs By 4 Young Players

J.p. hoornstra | 19 hours ago.

Sep 26, 2023; Anaheim, California, USA; Los Angeles Angels center fielder Jo Adell (7) greets catcher Logan O'Hoppe (14).

Los Angeles Angels

The Angels embraced a youth movement this season, knowing the success of the team largely hinged on the ability of their 25-and-under hitters — Jo Adell, Logan O'Hoppe, Zach Neto and Nolan Schanuel — to produce at the major league level.

The sink-or-swim approach became even more pronounced when veterans Mike Trout and Anthony Rendon were felled with injuries in April. The result? A mixed bag, at best. The Angels entered play Monday with an 18-29 record.

That's why what Adell, O'Hoppe, Neto and Schanuel did in Monday's comeback victory over the Houston Astros was so significant.

The Angels are the first team in MLB history to have a 22, 23, 24, and 25 year old homer in the same game 🤯 — Erica Weston (@EricaLWeston) May 21, 2024

Setting aside the Angels' disappointing first month, the elevated stakes of an intradivisional game in the standings, and the score at the time (the Angels trailed 6-1 when the first of the four home runs left the yard), the breakout game was thrilling for the young quartet.

The home run barrage started in the fifth inning. Schanuel hit his fifth home run of the season against Astros left-hander Framber Valdez. Later in the inning, O'Hoppe and Adell hit back-to-back homers against Valdez. Neto's sixth home run of the season, in the sixth inning, came against reliever Rafael Montero.

The Angels' 9-7 win came at a time when the Astros are struggling mightily. They're currently 21-27, third in the American League West, and only two games ahead of the Angels (19-29).

More than a game in the standings, it was a cool piece of history for the Angels' young core, and a sure sign of progress in what's become a rebuilding season.

J.P. HOORNSTRA

J.P. Hoornstra writes and edits Major League Baseball content for Halos Today, and is the author of 'The 50 Greatest Dodger Games Of All Time.' He once recorded a keyboard solo on the same album as two of the original Doors.

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Tourism and Development Theory: Which Way Now?
ABSTRACT. Tourism has long been explored through the lens of development theory. David Harrison was one of the earlier academics to do so, subsequently turning his attention to critiquing the relevance of such theory to tourism, concluding that although much tourism research has been framed within it, development theory has contributed little if anything to knowledge and understanding of the ...
Heritage Tourism
Abstract. Heritage tourism is a form of cultural tourism in which people travel to experience places, artifacts, or activities that are believed to be authentic representations of people and stories from the past. It couples heritage, a way of imagining the past in terms that suit the values of the present, with travel to locations associated ...
Theory in tourism
The academy moved away from an early orientation to developing theory in tourism, towards a focus on incorporating ideas from social science disciplines (theory and tourism), the result has been a disconnection from the early theoretical advances made in tourism. In practice, there is much useful theory in tourism but even after 70 years of ...
Historical Tourism
Historical tourism is commonly described as a form that is centered on the narratives of a particular site, place, or a region (Grozeva 2009).It "ultimately reminds us both of the powerful ideality of history and the fundamental material reality of the past and our kinship with all those separated from us by time, place and culture, or by the rudimentary fact of their not being us" (Weston ...
A new approach to understanding tourism practices
This theoretical paper identifies the main strands of practice theory and their relevance and application to tourism research, and develops a new approach to applying practice theory in the study of tourism participation. We propose a conceptual model of tourism practices based on the work of Collins (2004), which emphasises the role of rituals ...
Tourism planning and planning theory: Historical roots and contemporary
2. Evolution of planning theory. Cities and towns as well as leisure settings have been planned in various ways and with explicit systems for centuries (Blainey, 2004).Both in the ancient world and beyond, the structured layout of space for human uses has been revealed through studies in archaeology and architecture (Diamond, 2005).As Rykwert (1988) suggests, once the classical cities of Rome ...
The Oxford Handbook of Tourism History
Eric G. E. Zuelow is Professor of History at the University of New England in Biddeford, Maine. He is author of A History of Modern Tourism (2015) and Making Ireland Irish: Tourism and National Identity since the Irish Civil War (2009), editor of Touring Beyond the Nation: A Transnational Approach to European Tourism History (2011), and editor of the Journal of Tourism History.
Colonial Tourism
Collection: Oxford Handbooks Online. Colonial tourism, broadly defined, relates to a host of issues touching on power relations, mobility, practices, sociability, class, gender, health, consumption, identity, and leisure. It sheds light on the construction of the categories of colonizer and colonized, as well as intermediaries between them.
Museums and Heritage Tourism Theory, Practice and People
Introduction Part One: Theory 1.History vs Heritage 2.Heritage Tourism 3.Museums as Tourism Attractions Part Two: Practice 4.Issues in Interpretation 5.Museum Design Management 6.Museums in an Age of Pandemics Part Three: People 7.John Ruskin: Learning to Look 8.James Gardner: Interacting to Learn 9.Alex McCuaig: Experiencing to Inspire Conclusion
Museums and Heritage Tourism
ABSTRACT. This book examines the symbiotic relationship between museums, heritage attractions and tourism, using a range of international case studies. Divided into three clear sections, the author first outlines a theoretical framework for understanding the role of museums in heritage tourism, before addressing practical challenges of ...
(PDF) Tourism planning and planning theory: Historical roots and
Analyses of contemporary tourism planning and policymaking practice at local to global scales is lacking and there is an urgent need for research that informs theory and practice. Illustrated with a set of cohesive, theoretically-informed, international case studies constructed through storytelling, this volume expands readers' knowledge about ...
Tourism as an Instrument for Development: A Theoretical and Practical
Citation: Fayos-Solà, E., Fuentes Moraleda, L. and Isabel Muñoz Mazón, A. (2014), "The Political Economy of Development: A Historical Perspective", Tourism as an Instrument for Development: A Theoretical and Practical Study (Bridging Tourism Theory and Practice, Vol. 5), Emerald Group Publishing Limited, Leeds, pp. 3-27.
(PDF) The History and Evolution of Tourism
Abstract. The aim of the present book is to provide an overview of tourism evolution in the past, present and future. This book discusses significant travel, tourism and hospitality events while ...
Sustainable Heritage, Tourism and Communication: Theory and Practice
This Special Issue aims to publish original research focused on these various topics related to sustainable heritage and tourism, review articles that discuss and present the current state of the field, as well as case studies and new perspectives. Research areas may include (but are not limited to) the following:
PDF DOI
Sustainable tourism: The or y and practice (Book Review) Author Buckley, Ralf Published 2007 Journal Title Annals of Tourism Research DOI 10.1016/j.annals.2006.05.007 ... The volume opens with a history of sustainable tourism in theory and practice, followed by conceptual issues such as sustainability indicators. There is a small side-step
Tourism planning and planning theory: Historical roots and contemporary
Introduction. Planning can be conceived as a set of ideas and principles that seek to control the spatial distribution of human activities over time (Gunn & Var, 2002; Hall, 2008; Inskeep, 1991). In the present work, attention is directed to the origin and ongoing development of tourism planning in relation to the broader field of planning theory.
Responsible tourism: concepts, theory and practice
Responsible tourism: concepts, theory and practice. Tourism is one of the world's biggest industries. Responsible tourism is concerned with the effects of tourism on people, ecology, and communities, and seeks to ameliorate these impacts by providing tourism which benefits host communities, improves working conditions, involves the local ...
Stories of Practice: Tourism Policy and Planning
Analyses of contemporary tourism planning and policymaking practice at local to global scales is lacking and there is an urgent need for research that informs theory and practice. Illustrated with a set of cohesive, theoretically-informed, international case studies constructed through storytelling, this volume expands readers' knowledge about ...
Historical Tourism : Theory and Practices / Ba (prog) history sec
Historical Tourism : Theory and Practices / Ba (prog) history sec semester - 3/#quetionanswer #sol #solquestionpapersolvedhistoryandtourism#historicaltouri...
The Economics of Tourism Destinations
Revised and updated, the fourth edition of The Economics of Tourism Destinations provides a guide to the economic aspects of tourism for students and practitioners to decipher the methods of measurement of supply, demand, trends and impacts as well as the role of tourism in development strategy for destinations and regional development.. Each chapter combines theory and practice, and ...
(PDF) Tourism planning and planning theory: Historical roots and
theory built on basic principles, models, and planning techniques was. weak up to the 1990's. At the turn of the century, Costa (2001) sug-. gested that that the growth of tourism planning had not ...
Tourism routes and trails: theory and practice
Tourism Routes and Trails plunges into the world of 'extended' tourism, offering an exploration of the 'routes' phenomenon whereby tourism is no longer for a given destination, but extends over multiple sites, a territory or landscape.Covering how such routes are created, often as ways of clustering experiences, it also reviews their effects on tourism businesses, local populations and other ...
Tourist destination governance: practice, theory and issues
Tourist destination governance: practice, theory and issues. Managing and co-ordinating tourism in a destination requires the organisation and co-operation of a large number of sectors, businesses, local authorities and individuals. Since tourism is an important driver in many economies destination governance in tourist destinations needs to be ...
Sustainable tourism : theory and practice : Weaver, David B. (David
Search the history of over 866 billion web pages on the Internet. Search the Wayback Machine. An illustration of a magnifying glass. Mobile Apps. Wayback Machine (iOS) ... Sustainable tourism : theory and practice by Weaver, David B. (David Bruce) Publication date 2006 Topics Ecotourism Publisher Amsterdam ; Boston : Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann
Constructivist Learning Theory and Creating Effective Learning
With reference to constructivism, McLeod (), like many other constructivist researchers, suggested that knowledge is indeed socially constructed, and that learning is a necessarily active process (see Dewey, 1938; Bruner, 1963; Vygotsky, 1978).The purpose of constructivism is, then, for the individual to construct her or his own meanings out of the elements of individual experience (see McLeod ...
Angels Make MLB History With Home Runs By 4 Young Players
Angels Make MLB History With Home Runs By 4 Young Players. When you have a 22-year-old, 23-year-old, 24-year-old, and 25-year-old in your lineup, this is possible in theory — but not in practice ...