president macron visit to china

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Watch as French president Emmanuel Macron arrives in China for state visit

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Watch as Emmanuel Macron arrives at Beijing airport for a state visit to China .

The French president touches down on Wednesday 5 April alongside European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen for a three-day trip that will see them meet with Chinese president Xi Jinping .

Discussions about Russia ’s war in Ukraine are expected to be high on the agenda.

“China is the only country in the world capable of having an immediate and radical impact on the conflict, in one direction or the other,” an official from Mr Macron’s office said ahead of the visit.

Beijing claims to hold a neutral stance on the war, but has previously stressed its “no-limits friendship” with Russia.

Mr Xi last month met with Vladimir Putin in Moscow and a top French official acknowledged that Paris isn’t expecting to see a major shift in China’s position.

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Argument: Macron Said Out Loud What Europeans Really Think About China

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Macron Said Out Loud What Europeans Really Think About China

Leaders in washington need to face an uncomfortable truth: a self-reliant eu is a better partner than a dependent one..

• Geopolitics

On returning from his recent trip to China, French President Emmanuel Macron gave interviews that have ruffled feathers on both sides of the Atlantic. Memorably, he said that Europe cannot blindly follow the United States’ lead and should avoid “getting dragged into crises that are not our own.” This remark, which presumably refers to Taiwan, has caused some observers to claim that he is undercutting the trans-Atlantic front against China, even though he went on to reiterate France’s support for the status quo in Taiwan.

He expanded in a vein many commentators also found controversial: “Europeans cannot resolve the crisis in Ukraine; how can we credibly say on Taiwan, ‘watch out, if you do something wrong, we will be there?’” But this is hardly surprising: As part of his broader, ongoing pitch for “strategic autonomy,” Macron simply observed that Europeans would not be credible in Asia if they can’t tend to security issues in their own backyard—especially given that successive U.S. presidents, Republicans and Democrats alike, have asked Europeans to take greater ownership of their own security.

Commentators may fret over Macron’s blunt comments, but his remarks reveal the deeper motivations for his trip to China: that the European Union should find its own voice in world affairs and not let its worldview and interests be shaped by others, whether in Washington or Beijing. Though U.S. policymakers may not be ready to hear it, the uncomfortable truth is that Macron is saying out loud what many European partners quietly believe.

Behind closed doors, European leaders genuinely worry about walking in lockstep with Washington into an open conflict with China. Europeans are concerned with many aspects of China’s behavior, from unfair trade practices to human rights abuses . The European Commission has been willing to confront some of these issues and even labeled China a “systemic rival promoting alternative models of governance” in 2019, a term that Paris has embraced. But many Europeans are less comfortable getting dragged into a confrontational approach that they sometimes see as more linked to the United States’ fears of losing its global primacy than sound policymaking.

That’s a reality the United States will need to accept as it works with Europe to build a common approach for dealing with China. Successfully countering Beijing will be as much about forging a unified economic strategy as it will be about military matters, and the United States must heed the misgivings, nuances, and interests of its European counterparts—the leaders of one of the world’s largest trading blocs—if it wants its approach to work.

Macron’s China Trip Is a Fool’s Errand

Feeling the heat at home, the French president heads to China to ink some lucrative deals and pay lip service to Xi’s pledges of peace.

To Save France, Macron Is Dividing Europe

Plans to reshape the European Union in France’s image have met stiff resistance.

To Save His Pension Reform Bill, Macron Has Lost France

And he is getting himself in trouble abroad, too.

Across the European continent, leaders have carefully calibrated their approach toward Beijing, and it’s clear that they are walking a tightrope trying to balance economic interests with other priorities. Macron isn’t alone in this respect, and his visit to China, accompanied by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, was hardly an isolated incident. A few months ago, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz traveled to China, followed weeks later by Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. Both leaders had cordial meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping and were busy negotiating business deals for their respective countries. Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni plans to head to Beijing in May to do the same. Meanwhile, even the loudest proponents of alignment with the United States in Central and Eastern Europe are still part of the 14+1 forum with Beijing—China’s support for Russia’s war in Ukraine has not changed that. Case in point, just a couple of weeks before the start of the war—a few days after China affirmed its “limitless friendship” with Russia—Polish President Andrzej Duda visited China during the 2022 Winter Olympics, despite boycotts from other countries in the bloc. These diplomatic trends aren’t going anywhere, and the sooner Washington comes to terms with this reality, the better.

While the Biden administration should be praised for forging strong trans-Atlantic unity in supporting Ukraine against Russian aggression, it has not been as successful in doing so for China. U.S. President Joe Biden’s signature trans-Atlantic initiative , the Trade and Technology Council, has not led to alignment on digital norms and supply chains. On the contrary, the Biden administration has doubled down on Trump-era protectionism. Trans-Atlantic negotiators still bicker over Trump’s steel tariffs even while the Inflation Reduction Act, passed by the U.S. Congress in August 2022, provides massive subsides to U.S. industry at the expense of European partners.

Moreover, many European leaders doubt the sincerity of their American interlocutors when Washington sets a double standard for its own behavior. For instance, while the United States has pressured Europe to cut ties with China, U.S.-China trade reached a record high of $690 billion in 2022. While the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment was shelved after much trans-Atlantic pressure—and in part because of China’s sanctioning of several EU officials—the Trump administration’s Phase One trade agreement with Beijing is still in place.

Despite the obvious tensions at play, there’s no need for Washington to despair, because a more autonomous Europe will only benefit the United States’ push against China in the long run. To compete with Beijing, Washington will need a credible partner, not a set of aligned clients. There is another way to push back more effectively against Chinese ambitions without getting Europeans to parrot American talking points: By allowing Europe to build up its sovereignty, the United States can reduce the EU’s risk of vulnerability to Chinese external influence. And that’s precisely what Paris has been pushing for.

For the last six years, Macron’s ambition has been to bolster European autonomy, protect critical infrastructure and supply chains, and develop the necessary geopolitical instruments for the continent to compete and defend its own interests and security.

In the last several months, the EU has already gotten a head start on this goal across several domains. It agreed on anti-coercion mechanisms to protect its members against predatory trade pressure, primarily in reaction to China’s attempts to isolate and bully Lithuania for speaking up for Taiwan. The EU’s Chips Act, the Net Zero Industry Act, and the Critical Raw Materials Act might not get headlines, but they are important steps for making Europeans much less dependent on China for batteries, raw materials, hydrogen, and electronic components of key technologies. Paris, in particular, has been at the forefront of these efforts. On broader hot-button technology issues, France has been among the most restrictive countries on Huawei , and its civil servants have been banned from downloading TikTok.

As von der Leyen has said previously, the objective is not to decouple completely, but to “de-risk” European industries from dependence on China. The experience of being beholden to China for pharmaceuticals during COVID-19, or seeing how Russia was able to leverage energy ties for political influence, has fortunately not been lost on leaders in Brussels and EU capitals.

A more autonomous Europe is slowly starting to wake up from its holiday from history on military matters, too. Defense spending is increasing across the continent. France has already increased its defense budget by 25 percent since Macron’s first presidential term began in 2017. It is now considering a bill that, if passed, would continue that trend and ultimately double the nation’s military spending over the course of Macron’s time in office. Germany , the Nordic states , and Poland have announced similar increases.

Plus, Europeans are finally reengaging with their own neighborhood, left too long to Russian and Chinese influence, with a renewed focus on both enlargement and regional integration in the Western Balkans or Eastern Europe. The French-led launch of the European Political Community, just one year after China beat the EU to the punch in distributing vaccines to Western Balkans countries, is a promising start for developing cooperation and infrastructure on a range of important issues.

Instead of expecting alignment, U.S. policymakers need to look for places where both sides’ interests concretely align. For now, Europe’s main strength is leveraging its commercial power. The United States should not undermine this with protectionism, or by opposing the emergence of a European defense industry.

Macron has always been clear that Europeans are not “equidistant” between their U.S. allies and China. A united Europe that defends its own interests and worldview is ultimately a more robust partner for Washington in the long run than allies that are strictly aligned but follow isolated national strategies. An empowered, independent EU may not currently seem enticing to the United States, but Washington should keep in mind that it’s also an EU that China can’t divide and boss around.

Benjamin Haddad is a member of the French Parliament and the head of the France-Ukraine friendship group at the Assemblée Nationale. He is the author of Le Paradis Perdu: l’Amérique de Trump et la fin des illusions européennes . Twitter:  @benjaminhaddad

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Macron and China’s Xi break protocol for one-on-one visit to the Pyrenees

French President Emmanuel Macron welcomed Chinese President Xi Jinping to the Pyrenees mountains on Tuesday on the second day of a trip during which Xi showed little sign of being ready to offer major concessions on trade or foreign policy. 

Issued on: 07/05/2024 - 12:27

Advisers to the French president described the Pyrenees trip as breaking with protocol for a chance for one-on-one chats with Xi, without scores of aides, in mountains dear to Macron as the birthplace of his maternal grandmother.

One of Macron 's main objectives is to convince Xi to reduce the trade imbalance between the two regions, with better access for European firms in China and fewer subsidies for Chinese exporters.

Macron and his wife, Brigitte, who greeted Xi and his wife, Peng Liyuan, at the airport in windy weather, took them to lunch high up in the mountains.

The two couples, who travelled on separate flights from Paris, also took separate cars to the mountains and arrived amid thick fog - missing out on the view.

After watching traditional dancers perform under the snowy peaks, they ate locally grown ham, lamb, cheese and blueberry pie. Xi said he would give the ham some publicity and also praised the cheese.

Macron gifted Xi a woollen blanket made in the Pyrenees, a Tour de France jersey and armagnac from the nearby southwestern region - a brandy which is at risk of Chinese trade sanctions .

Macron has a history of trying to establish outside-of-protocol personal relationships with his counterparts, even those he strongly disagrees with, in often not very successful bids to obtain more from them.

This time, Xi has said he would welcome more high-level talks on trade frictions, but also denied there was a Chinese "overcapacity problem", casting doubts on how much progress could eventually be achieved.

French and Chinese companies concluded some agreements on Monday ranging from energy, finance and transport on the sidelines of Xi's visit, but most were agreements to cooperate or renewed commitments to work together, and there were no significant deals.

In a sign of some progress, China will allow imports of pig origin protein feed as well as pork offal from France effective immediately, according to statements from Chinese customs and the French farm ministry.

European hopes of an Airbus plane order to coincide with Xi's visit appear to have been dashed, with the two sides agreeing only to expand co-operation.

A European diplomat said Xi was the "winner" of the visit, having "cemented his image as the 'ruler of the world' where westerners are begging him to solve European problems in Ukraine".

Hosuk Lee-Makiyama, director of the Brussels-based ECIPE think tank, said the visit was possibly less about making concrete progress on trade than creating some policy space they might need if Donald Trump returns to the White House after November's U.S. election.

"It's in both sides' interests to have some practical issues settled before November 2024. Neither Macron nor Xi wants a two-front war," he said.

Macron style

Macron is keen to embrace, hug, wink at or slap his counterparts on the back - which he did not chance with Xi, who is not a hugger.

Macron did do so at the time with then U.S President Trump and with Russian President Vladimir Putin before the Ukraine war, and more recently with Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva , much to the pleasure of social media commentators.

Xi's Pyrenees invite has echoes of Trump joining Macron in 2017 to watch the Bastille Day parade, or Putin's 2019 trip to the French president's Bregancon fortress summer retreat, in southeast France.

" Emmanuel Macron attempted this narcissistic diplomacy of 'I flatter the tyrant' with Vladimir Putin for five years, with the Bregancon fort ... the camaraderie," Raphael Glucksmann, who leads the French Socialists' European Parliament ticket, told RTL radio.

"And all that ended with what, the invasion of Ukraine and the threats to our democracies," Glucksmann said.

The European Union 's 27 members ran a trade deficit of 396 billion euros ($426.25 billion) with China in 2022, according to European Commission data, compared with a 250.3 billion deficit a year earlier.

French cognac makers rallied on Tuesday as Xi presented what Macron described as an "open attitude" towards a trade dispute between the two countries.

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President Xi Jinping Holds Talks with French President Emmanuel Macron

On the afternoon of 6 April, President Xi Jinping held talks with French President Emmanuel Macron who is on a state visit to China at the Great Hall of the People. 

President Xi welcomed President Macron’s visit to China. He noted the profound historic transformation taking place in the world, and pointed out that China and France, as permanent members of the UN Security Council, major countries with a tradition of independence, and firm advocates for a multi-polar world and for greater democracy in international relations, have the ability and responsibility to rise above differences and obstacles, keep to the overall direction of a comprehensive strategic partnership that is stable, mutually beneficial, enterprising and dynamic, and practice true multilateralism for global peace, stability and prosperity.

President Xi spoke favorably of the momentum of positive and steady growth in the China-France relationship. He stressed that stability, a defining feature and valued asset of this relationship, should be cherished by both sides. The two sides need to make good use of their all-round, high-level communication channels, maintain close communication between the two presidents, and hold a new round of meetings this year for the three high-level dialogue mechanisms, namely the strategic dialogue, the economic and financial dialogue, and the dialogue on people-to-people exchanges. The two sides should respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, respect each other’s core interests, and properly handle and manage differences. They need to stay committed to mutual benefit and common development. China’s pursuit of high-quality development and high-standard opening up will bring France even broader market opportunities. China will work with France to deepen cooperation in such fields as agrifood, space, aviation, and civil nuclear energy, foster new cooperation areas including trade in services, green development, and innovation in science and technology, and support the joint development of a carbon neutrality center and joint cultivation of talents. China welcomes France as the guest country of honor at the China International Fair for Trade in Services 2024 and the seventh China International Import Expo. China hopes that France will provide Chinese businesses with a fair, just and non-discriminatory business environment. Taking the opportunities brought by the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations, the China-France Year of Culture and Tourism, and the Paris Olympics next year, China will step up cooperation with France in relevant fields.

 President Xi stressed China’s readiness to continue to act in the spirit of openness and work with France to maintain close communication and coordination in multilateral mechanisms such as the UN, the G20 and the WTO, practice true multilateralism, and counter global challenges like climate change and energy issues. China supports France in hosting the UN Ocean Conference 2025, and welcomes France’s participation in the third Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation. 

President Xi stressed that China and Europe are two major forces, big markets, and great civilizations in the world. China-Europe relations bear on the wellbeing of both sides and the stability and prosperity of the world at large. China will keep its Europe policy stable in the long run, continue to see Europe as an independent force in a multi-polar world, and stay committed to a China-Europe relationship that is not targeted at, subjugated to, or controlled by any third party. China will work with the EU and take this year’s 20th anniversary of their comprehensive strategic partnership as an opportunity to resume exchanges and dialogues on all fronts, reinforce friendship and cooperation as the keynote of China-EU relations, explore a supply chain partnership featuring stability and mutual trust, and deliver benefits to both sides. China hopes that France will play an active, leading role in this regard. 

President Macron recalled his last visit to China more than three years ago and expressed his delight at visiting China again to explore with President Xi ways to further elevate the France-China comprehensive strategic partnership. He fully agreed with President Xi’s positive assessment of France-China relations and important suggestions on growing the bilateral ties. Next year, France and China will celebrate the 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties. Over the past six decades, France-China relations have maintained steady and sound growth. Despite their different development models, the two countries have respected each other, communicated with candor, and achieved mutual benefits in their wide-ranging cooperation. Meanwhile, the two sides have made important progress in jointly meeting global challenges facing the world. France respects and follows the one-China policy. President Macron pointed out that he’s taking a large delegation to China to seek closer cooperation and people-to-people exchanges. France congratulates China on the success of the Kunming-Montreal Biodiversity Conference (COP15) and wants to continue close communication and cooperation with China on issues like climate change and food security. France is ready to work with China on the third Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation that China will host. France commends China for its abiding commitment to the purposes of the UN Charter and its positive role in addressing regional and international hotspot issues, and looks forward to closer communication and coordination with China for durable peace and stability in the world.

President Macron noted that France is committed to an independent foreign policy and to the strategic autonomy of Europe, and opposed to stoking confrontation, division and bloc rivalry. France will not pick sides. Instead, France calls for unity and cooperation to keep relations stable between major countries. It will maintain candid and in-depth communication with China to increase mutual trust, seek common ground while reserving differences, and pursue open cooperation. France will actively contribute to the growth of EU-China relations. 

The two presidents also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis. President Xi emphasized that China’s position on the Ukraine issue is consistent and clear. It is essentially about facilitating peace talks and political settlement. There is no panacea for defusing the crisis. It requires all parties to do their share and create conditions for ceasefire and peace talks through a buildup of trust. China supports Europe in playing its role in the political settlement of the crisis. China stands ready to issue a joint call with France for the international community to stay rational, exercise restraint, and avoid taking actions that might cause the crisis to further deteriorate or even spiral out of control; to strictly abide by international humanitarian law, avoid attacking civilians or civilian facilities, and protect women, children and other victims of the conflict; to earnestly honor the pledge that nuclear weapons must not be used and nuclear wars must not be fought, oppose the use of biological weapons under any circumstances, and oppose armed attacks against nuclear power plants or other civilian nuclear facilities; to resume peace talks as soon as possible, observe the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, accommodate the legitimate security concerns of all parties, seek political settlement, and foster a balanced, effective and sustainable European security architecture; and to jointly address the spillover effects of the Ukraine crisis in food, energy, finance, transportation and other fields, and reduce the negative impact of the Ukraine crisis on the world, especially on developing countries. China is ready to stay in touch with France and play a constructive role in the political settlement of the crisis. 

President Macron shared France’s view on the issue, and commended China’s important role in the political settlement of the Ukraine crisis. France calls for the resumption of political negotiations and a settlement of the crisis through diplomatic means to achieve lasting peace in Europe. France hopes to increase communication and make joint efforts with China toward peace. 

At the end of their talks, the two presidents witnessed the signing of bilateral cooperation documents covering agrifood, science and technology, aviation, civil nuclear energy, sustainable development, and culture. 

The two presidents also jointly met the Chinese and foreign press.

Prior to the talks, President Xi held a welcoming ceremony for President Macron at the square outside the east gate of the Great Hall of the People. 

Upon President Macron’s arrival, honor guards lined up in salutation. The two presidents stepped onto a reviewing stand, and the military band played the national anthems of the two countries. A 21-gun salute was fired from Tian’anmen Square. Accompanied by President Xi, President Macron then reviewed the guard of honor of the People’s Liberation Army and watched the march-past. 

Wang Yi and Qin Gang were present at the events.

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French President Emmanuel Macron arrives at Beijing Capital International Airport in Beijing, capital of China, April 5, 2023.Photo:Xinhua

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With Troubles at Home, Macron Pops Up 10,000 Miles Away

New Caledonia, a French territory in the Pacific, is on the brink of civil war as pro-independence activists protest a law that would expand voting rights.

By Catherine Porter

Reporting from Paris

President Emmanuel Macron of France has a lot to manage. The European elections are fast approaching, and his party is predicted to lose. There are the frenzied preparations for the Olympic Games in Paris. A manhunt is underway for a convict whose brazen and deadly jailbreak shocked the country.

The last place many expected Mr. Macron to be was on a plane to one of France’s territories in the Pacific, where riots have been exploding all week. But there he was in New Caledonia on Thursday, with three ministers in tow, on a mission to heal and listen in a territory where many hold him personally responsible for the unrest.

Whether Mr. Macron’s hastily arranged visit will accomplish that is unclear.

The riots were set off by the prospect of a vote last week in the National Assembly in Paris to expand voting rights in the territory by constitutional amendment. Many in the local Indigenous population worry that the law will dilute their power in the territory, which is semiautonomous but still part of France, and hamper a long process toward independence.

Over less than 24 hours, Mr. Macron spoke with local officials and civil-society activists, thanked the police and met — separately — with pro- and anti-independence political forces.

Before hopping back on a plane and returning more than 10,000 miles to mainland France, Mr. Macron said at a news conference that the authorities would end the state of emergency, which was declared last week , only if protesters lifted their barricades and calm returned.

He refused to scrap the contentious change to local voting rules, but said that it would not be immediately “forced through” — he had previously vowed to convene a joint session of Parliament, which has to approve the constitutional change, by the end of June.

Mr. Macron gave pro- and anti-independence groups a month to work toward a global agreement — encompassing voting rules but also local governance, citizenship requirements, economic reform, and other pressing issues — that would be submitted for approval by a popular referendum in New Caledonia.

“I’ve called upon all of those in charge to a form of collective commitment and a willingness to move forward,” the French president said at a news conference in Nouméa, the capital.

“I believe that I made the maximum possible effort for a return to calm,” he said. Now, he added, “I am waiting.”

The trip, in many ways, was classic Macron. He feels that any dispute, no matter how heated, can be resolved through personal dialogue with him. But given the local distrust of the government, many believe his trip is not just short, but shortsighted.

“He has a responsibility for this problem,” said Jean-François Merle, an expert on New Caledonia with the Jean Jaurès Foundation who advised former Prime Minister Michel Rocard during the region’s delicate peace negotiations in the 1980s. “I’m not sure there are political commitments for dialogue — on all sides.”

Riots broke out in New Caledonia , a tiny archipelago of about 270,000, last week, leading to the worst violence there in decades: six dead, many injured and about 400 businesses damaged, many by arson. It was denounced as an “insurrection movement” by Mr. Macron, who promised a state financial aid package. About 3,000 security officers were deployed to restore a tenuous peace.

“This trip is coming way too late,” said Martial Foucault, a political science professor who leads the department of French overseas territories at Sciences Po in Paris. “No one was expecting Macron to go there.”

The discontent stretches back to 2021, when Mr. Macron insisted on holding the territory’s third independence referendum despite pleas from leaders in the Indigenous Kanak community to delay the vote because of the coronavirus pandemic. Many communities had been ravaged by the virus, and local customs prohibited political activity during mourning.

In the end, the Kanak leaders called for a boycott of the vote. They have since refused to accept the results, in which 97 percent of the voters wanted the territory to stay in France but just 44 percent of the population voted. Previous referendums showed much higher voter turnout and resulted in pro-France outcomes of 57 percent and 53 percent.

Mr. Macron and his government considered the vote definitive, closing the long-simmering debate on independence in the territory, which has huge reserves of nickel , a mineral crucial for electric car batteries. He has also emphasized the role of France’s foothold in the Indo-Pacific as a bulwark against China’s expanding influence.

“New Caledonia is French because it has chosen to remain French,” he told a crowd of supporters on a visit last July. “No going back. No stuttering.”

Mr. Macron reiterated on Thursday that the third referendum was final. But he acknowledged that it had not “pacified” roiling debates about New Caledonia’s future, and that wealth inequality in the territory had worsened.

“Collectively, we did not think enough about what would come after,” he said. “The question today is therefore to rebuild that trust.”

It was not immediately clear if independence activists and the more radical loyalist groups would heed Mr. Macron’s words and agree to sit at the negotiating table.

New Caledonia was annexed by France in 1853, and became a penal colony. There, the French government had an explicit policy to turn Indigenous populations into a minority, said Benoît Trépied, an anthropologist at France’s National Center for Scientific Research who specializes in New Caledonia.

After tensions and violence between pro-independence militants and loyalists in the 1980s culminated in deadly hostage taking , a peace agreement called the Matignon accords was signed.

That agreement, and the Nouméa accords that followed, gradually handed over much of the political power to the Kanak community, formally acknowledged its culture and customs and set up a three-vote referendum on independence.

As the new century dawned, voting on the independence referendum was put off for two more decades. The French authorities agreed to freeze electoral rolls so that recent arrivals to New Caledonia, who were thought to be more likely to support French rule, could not sway the vote.

For pro-independence forces, the vote in Parliament last week to expand voting rights has threatened a delicate balance by offering people who have lived in New Caledonia for more than 10 years the right to vote in upcoming provincial elections.

The French government argues that the bill is a much-needed fix to the democratic process. Local Kanak leaders see it as the removal of a protection meant to keep them from being turned into an even smaller minority in their own land.

Mr. Macron can talk all he likes, Mr. Trépied said, but without a commitment to hold back the new law and draft a new referendum, he did not foresee that any Kanak leaders would listen. “The political amnesia of Macron and his political movement are irresponsible,” he said.

The government was not facing social protest movements typical to France or even akin to the riots that erupted across the country last summer, Mr. Trépied added: “He’s facing a people that are fighting for their decolonization and who will never, ever back down.”

Pete McKenzie and Aurelien Breeden contributed reporting.

Catherine Porter is an international reporter for The Times, covering France. She is based in Paris. More about Catherine Porter

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Why Macron’s state visit to China was a dud

The french president is building castles in the air with his quest for ‘strategic autonomy’.

Emmanuel Macron’s tendentious trip to China was light on deliverables and heavy on stumbles, casting shadows anew on the French president’s diplomatic mojo.

Instead, Xi called for an expeditious resumption of peace talks, reiterating the Chinese view that “all sides” have “reasonable security concerns.”

In a private meeting with the Chinese leader, Macron urged him not to arm Russia, to which Xi replied that “this war is not his,” according to a diplomat quoted by Politico.

It was unclear why Macron thought he could succeed where others have not. Xi has bet heavily on his de facto alliance with Putin. In Beijing’s great-power competition with Washington, he finds Moscow useful. Russia can tie up U.S. military resources that would otherwise be deployed to the Indo-Pacific to counter China. Moscow also stands by Beijing in its broader push to undermine America’s global leadership.

If Russia is defeated in Ukraine, Xi will lose twice: China’s geopolitical position will be weakened and his personal credibility will take a hit. For these reasons, he will not abandon Putin or do anything to hasten Russia’s defeat, even if he eschews open support of Moscow.

Macron failed to extract even an agreement from Xi to speak with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, something the Chinese leader has not done since the war started (but has teased in recent months).

Had the French president sought to exert real influence on Xi, he would not have brought a large business delegation with him to China that included the CEO of Airbus. He would have made new business deals contingent upon concrete progress ending the Russia-Ukraine war.

By traveling with the business leaders, Macron telegraphed that trade would trump politics and sacrificed any leverage he could have brought to the table.

If he had quit while he was ahead, Macron might have been able to argue that the trip was still useful for the European Union because he spoke to Xi face to face about the bloc’s top security concern. He did travel together with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who also warned Xi not to arm Russia and pressed him to do more to end the war.

On that single issue, Macron and von der Leyen conveyed lucid European unity.

Unfortunately, the French president undercut both the EU and the broader trans-Atlantic alliance with his ill-conceived “strategic autonomy” push. Macron imagines that France can lead a stronger Europe that serves as a “third” pole in geopolitics, beholden neither to the United States nor China. He reckons he can achieve his vision by rhetorically distancing France and the EU from the U.S. with statements like being an ally “does not mean being a vassal.”

In reality, Macron well knows that Russia would have likely annexed a bigger part of Ukraine by now if not for American intervention. Europe lacks adequate military muscle to safeguard its neighborhood.

To be sure, Macron has reason to gripe about the United States. The AUKUS (Australia, U.K. and U.S.) nuclear submarine deal blindsided France, costing it a $65 billion contract to build Australian subs. France is concerned that America’s massive green subsidies will reduce European firms’ competitiveness in North America. And Paris rejects Washington’s move to decouple from China’s economy, seeing it as destabilizing.

Yet Washington and Paris’s interests align in more areas than they conflict. In contrast, China poses a challenge to the rules-based order that underpins the EU — from trade practices to human rights. For Macron to believe he can play the China card to maximize France’s and Europe’s respective geopolitical positions is at best myopic.

Rather, China can most benefit from Macron’s overtures. Xi is in the midst of a diplomatic offensive to revivify China’s global interests following its long COVID-19 exile. Though his lackluster Ukraine peace plan has fizzled, he did help erstwhile enemies, Saudi Arabia and Iran re-establish, diplomatic ties. Feting the president of France in China adds another feather to his hat.

Xi used Macron’s trip for propaganda purposes as well, vowing that the two countries would continue to “oppose cold war mentality and bloc confrontation,” a barely veiled swipe at U.S.-led efforts to contain China.

Macron reserved his biggest misstep for after he departed China though. In an airborne interview with Politico on the way back to France, he seemed to hold Beijing and Washington equally responsible for the China-Taiwan cross-strait tensions. He said that Europe should not “take our cue from the U.S. agenda and a Chinese overreaction,” adding the EU should not become ensnared in “crises that are not ours, which prevents it from building its strategic autonomy.”

The comments smacked of hypocrisy, given Europe’s need for massive U.S. support in its own backyard. While Europe does not have the same direct security stake in the Indo-Pacific as the U.S. — though France has a presence — it still relies on the same shipping routes near Taiwan as the rest of the world, not to mention Taipei’s advanced semiconductors.

Worse yet, Macron made his remarks about Taiwan amid Chinese military exercises intended in part as a rehearsal for a future attack on the island democracy. Beijing launched the three-day exercises to express its anger at President Tsai Ing-wen's meeting with U.S. House Speaker Kevin McCarthy in California.

While less menacing than those held last August following then-U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s Taiwan visit, they nonetheless included the deployment of China’s Shandong aircraft carrier near eastern Taiwan — suggesting the People’s Liberation Army might pose a greater threat to the entire island than previously thought.

If Macron understood how China’s leadership thinks, he would not have shrugged off the role Europe can play in ensuring cross-strait stability. Europe may lack America’s martial clout, but it is an economic juggernaut and influential voice in international organizations. It has leverage that can impact China's calculations.

But by endorsing a noninterventionist stance, he gave Beijing the impression that France and Europe viewed Taiwan as “an internal Chinese affair.” This could embolden Beijing to further pressure Taipei.

Fortunately, there has been a swift pushback against Macron’s Taiwan remarks from the trans-Atlantic alliance. Republican lawmakers in the U.S. have denounced them in colorful terms.

For its part, the Germany Foreign Ministry has evinced a more nuanced perspective. A spokesperson quoted by Politico said that Beijing’s martial muscle flexing “ran counter to contributing to peace” in the region and heightens “the risk of unintended military clashes.”

Ironically, as Macron tries to woo Xi, he is coming up nearly as short as when he tried to convince Putin to forsake invading Ukraine. In both cases, the French president believed he could persuade uncompromising dictators to do what Europe wanted — but not what they wanted — simply by talking to them.

The sooner the French president realizes that strongmen will dismiss diplomacy not backed up by a willingness to use credible hard power, the better off Europe and the trans-Atlantic alliance will be.

Matthew Fulco is a journalist and geopolitical analyst with more than a decade of experience covering China and Taiwan. He also regularly contributes to the Economist Intelligence Unit.

In a time of both misinformation and too much information, quality journalism is more crucial than ever. By subscribing, you can help us get the story right.

• Alessandra Tamponi
• May 31, 2023

Macron visit to China marks a new chapter in Sino-French relations, raises questions over EU Unity

Updated: Jun 9, 2023

Macron on a State Visit to China. AFP ©

On the 5th of April, French President Emmanuel Macron travelled to Beijing for a state visit to China, leading a delegation of business executives, artists, and filmmakers. During his stay in the country, the president held several meetings with his Chinese counterpart, President Xi Jinping, in the hope of strengthening France-China political, cultural, and economic ties. The visit of the French leader is the first state visit to China since the "two sessions", and it took place at a time when many in Europe are calling to de-risk ties with the country, referring especially to a reduction in economic dependence.

The meeting that could shift France-China relations

President Macron was warmly welcomed in China by President Xi. The two heads of state held bilateral meetings that included, apart from formal meetings in Beijing, an informal visit to Guangzhou, the capital of Guangdong province, which is not only China’s manufacturing capital but also a vital node in the development of the Guangzhou-Hong Kong-Macau Greater Bay Area and Chinese high-quality development (MOFA, 2023). The two leaders discussed a variety of topics, from the current crisis in Ukraine and the possible role of China as a peacemaker to business relations and even the analysis of lunar samples (Bradsher and Pierson, 2023). Xi’s warm welcome for the French President might be interpreted as an attempt on behalf of China to reset the current relations with the EU, which have been tense since 2019, considering steadily worsening Sino-American relations due to the chip-trade wars and their opposing positions regarding the Taiwan matter. To set EU-China relations on a different track from the current one, the charm offensive from France under the leadership of Macron, who has always advocated for a stronger autonomy of the Union and is currently seen as a main figure in influencing EU policies, could prove both appealing and instrumental for Xi.

For the Chinese President, a Europe that pursues greater autonomy, especially from the US, could be an easier partner with whom to find common ground (Lau, 2023). President Macron, on his part, seized the opportunity during the meetings to stress the importance for the EU to pursue strategic autonomy, suggesting Europe should not get caught up in crises that aren’t its own, referring to Taiwan, as well as distancing himself from the US decoupling strategy, seeking for Europe a non-confrontational de-risking strategy. To avoid escalating tensions with China, the French president restrained himself from devoting too much time to pressing issues such as the Ukrainian conflict or the Taiwan issue. The state visit resulted in a 51-point joint declaration released on the 7th of April, in which France and China stated their willingness to work together, to resume political dialogue and promote mutual political trust, agreeing to improve military communication in matters linked to the Asia Pacific as well as continue to foster EU-China relations (Élysée, 2023).

The two countries also confirmed the need for a peaceful solution in Ukraine, as well as their opposition to the use of nuclear weapons and the need to assure the safety of nuclear plants in the country.

A new chapter for Sino-French economic relations

A vital aspect of Macron's visit to China is its business-related effect. Together with him, a delegation of more than 50 French business executives travelled to Beijing. Among them were representatives from various French multinational companies (MNCs), including the CEOs of Airbus, Alstom, and EDF. According to the joint declaration, China and France will deepen their cooperation in several strategic sectors, including 5G, nuclear energy, agri-food, and the health sector (Élysée, 2023). The willingness to deepen their cooperation is supported by the numerous agreements French companies signed during the meeting. Airbus announced it will not only double its production in the country by opening a second assembly line in Tianjin, but also deliver 160 passenger jets purchased through an agreement with the China Aviation Supplies Holding Company (Foster, 2023). Furthermore, the company signed a memorandum of understanding with the China National Aviation Fuel Group (CNAF) to intensify cooperation in the standardisation, production, and use of sustainable aviation fuels. Meanwhile, EDF has signed different agreements with Chinese partners in the energy sector (Foster, 2023). The company renewed its contract with China General Nuclear Power Group to continue the partnership in the design, construction, and operation of nuclear power plants, as well as different contracts with China Energy Investment Corporation and China’s State Power Investment Corporation. The aim of this may be seen as to strengthen cooperation for the development of onshore and offshore wind power (Foster, 2023).

The success of the business deals is an ulterior confirmation of the little interest France has in following the U.S.-style decoupling strategy and the very active interest European companies, especially MNCs, have in the Chinese market, especially following the lifting of the zero-covid policy. One of the reasons that might have contributed to Macron’s decision to step up France-China business cooperation, including in strategic sectors, could be linked to the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act , which reduces the country’s dependence on China but also affects its relations with its Atlantic partners (Blenkinshop, 2023). Macron’s move might be seen as divisive, especially at a time when the EU is stressing the need for its members to assert their independence from the Chinese market, but it provides insider information on the future of European companies in the country. The joint declaration states that "the two countries are working to provide a good environment for business cooperation, improve business access to each other's markets, improve the business environment, and ensure respect for the intellectual property rights of each other" (Élysée, 2023). This statement could imply a smoother path for France-China business relations and a willingness on China’s behalf to ameliorate the conditions in which European companies compete in its market.

The further development of EU-China economic relations will be of great interest, this is especially true for the next high-level economic and trade dialogue to be held in 2023. Considering the previously elaborated signed agreements that will touch strategic sectors in 2023, the development of business relations between France and China should be carefully scrutinised.

The fragmented voice of the EU

Many hoped Macron's visit to Beijing would be more than a revival of France’s relations with China and serve as a turning point in the Chinese approach to the Ukrainian war, as well as present a united EU front for the future of EU-China relations. For this reason, the visit included a trilateral meeting with the President of the European Union, von der Leyen, who flew to Beijing on Macron’s invitation. Despite these efforts, a joint presence was not enough to pursue the intended goal and the pair failed to obtain a public position change from President Xi (Jingtao and Kawala, 2023). Prior to the visit to Beijing, President von der Leyen gave a hard-hitting speech openly criticising Xi’s friendship with Putin, defining any peace plan that excluded the integrity of the Ukrainian territory as not acceptable, and stressing the concept of de-risking, the core of the current EU approach towards China (von der Leyen, 2023). Von der Leyen maintained a more critical approach during her meeting with President Xi, carrying on her shoulders the duty of representing 27 countries that all have ties with China and are affected by the course the EU decides to take. In her written remarks, released after the state visit, von der Leyen highlighted how important the EU and China are for one another as economic partners. However, she did not hesitate to address the increasingly imbalanced economic relations for the EU, whose companies face impediments in accessing the Chinese market (von der Leyen, 2023).

President von der Leyen also remarked on the importance the EU attaches to China concerning the Ukrainian war, hoping the country will step up its role in promoting a peace that respects Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. While President von der Leyen and President Macron showed unity in their trilateral meeting, especially on their position regarding the involvement of China in peace talks, such unity was not expressed by the rest of the meeting. Macron’s remarks on EU-US relations that might dig a wedge between the two Atlantic allies have not been met with the support of other EU countries , especially the Central and Eastern ones, who now more than ever rely on the Atlantic alliance for security matters (Haddad, 2023). The divisive nature of Macron’s remarks makes it hard to consider his visit to Beijing as an example of the future of EU-China relations; nevertheless, the joint state visit was only the first one to take place this year. With the conclusion of Macron’s visit to China, members of the EU countries have then been looking at Annalena Baerbock, Germany’s minister for foreign affairs, who arrived in Tianjin on the 13th of April. During her visit to China, the Minister, while discussing with her counterpart Qin Gang, warned Beijing to de-escalate the tensions with Taiwan, noting that a war in the region involving Taiwan, through which 50% of world trade flows, would be a disastrous scenario worldwide (Camut, 2023). Baerbock’s position signals clearly disagreement with Macron’s remarks and serves as an example of how the words of the French President were perceived by many in the EU and the divisive effect they carried.

EU-China relations in 2023

The EU's current strategy in its relations with China involves de-risking ties in critical sectors with the goal of establishing European strategic autonomy. China’s position on Ukraine and its reconfirmed friendship with President Putin are contributing factors, but certainly not the only ones. EU-China relations have been deteriorating since 2019, due, for example, to economic coercive measures towards EU states, and are currently impacted by worsening US-China relations due to the chip war and the increasing tension concerning Taiwan and the Pacific.

In 2019 the EU started referring to China as a systemic rival, and the strategic outlook released the same year remains valid to this day. On the 18th of April, during the plenary session of the EU Parliament, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the European Commission, Josep Borrell, stated that currently, in its relations with China, the EU faces four different challenges linked to different values, economic security, Taiwan, and Ukraine . He also stated that it will be important for the EU to maintain a coordinated approach to China and to continue to pursue strategic autonomy (Borrell, 2023). According to Borrell, strategic autonomy goes hand-in-hand with the EU’s de-risking strategy, which, however, doesn’t necessarily pose a block to the amelioration of EU-China relations (Borrell, 2023). From the speech of President von der Leyen, it can be understood that de-risking for the EU means primarily reducing its dependence on China in sectors that are considered riskier, for example, by rebalancing economic ties or reducing the EU’s dependence on Chinese rare earth materials. Nevertheless, it remains a much smoother approach compared to the American decoupling strategies and leaves the door open for future cooperation.

An analysis from the Cyprus Economic Society highlights how von der Leyn’s speech, though maintaining its tone of de-risking relations with China, also presents a shift in the language used to describe EU relations with the country (Demertzis, 2023). For instance, the analysis points towards the mention of alignment with partners rather than like-minded partners, meaning that the EU won’t try to nurture solely relations with those who share its same values (Demertzis, 2023). It should also be noted that diplomatic relations have been experiencing a revival. Prior to President Macron’s state visit, China received Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez. In the aftermath of the visit, Mao Ning, spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, spoke positively of the revived diplomatic talks between her country and representatives from Europe, stating that 2023 might just be a new spring in EU-China relations (Xinhua, 2023). The next steps concerning the future of EU-China relations might be unveiled in June during the next summit of the European Council. Right now, the priority for the EU and its members is to maintain a coordinated approach amidst the displayed differences.

About the Author

Alessandra Tamponi holds a MA degree in International Relations and East Asian countries obtained at the University ofGroningen. Her interest in China started as a teenager, thanks to an exchange opportunity that led her to Harbin when shewas sixteen years old. Before becoming a member of the editorial team of European Guanxi, Alessandra worked as anintern for the European Institute of Asian Studies in Brussels, and the EuroChamber of Mongolia.

The opinions expressed here are those of the writers and do not represent the views of European Guanxi.

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References:

Blenkinshop Philip (February 1, 2023) Why the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act has rattled Europe, Reuters: https://www.reuters.com/markets/why-us-inflation-reduction-act-has-rattled-europe-2023-02-01/

Bradsher Keith, Pierson David (April 7, 2023) Macron Wraps Up China Visit, but Little Progress Seen on War, New York Times: https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/07/world/asia/macron-xi-jinping-china-france.html

Camut Nicolas, von der Burchard Hans (April 14, 2023) Germany’s Baerbock warns China that war over Taiwan would be a ‘horror scenario’, Politico: https://www.politico.eu/article/taiwan-china-war-germany-annalena- baerbock-horror-scenario/

Déclaration conjointe entre la République française et la République populaire de Chine (7th of April, 2023) Élysée: https://www.elysee.fr/emmanuel-macron/2023/04/07/declaration-conjointe-entre-la-republique-francaise-et-la-republique-populaire-de-chine

Demertzis Maria (April 14, 2023) A change of tack on EU-China relations, Cyprus Economic Society: https://cypruseconomicsociety.org/a-change-of-tack-on-eu-china-relations/

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Foster Scott (April 10, 2023) Macron has no interest in ‘decoupling’ from China, Asia Times: https://asiatimes.com/2023/04/macron-has-no-interest-in-decoupling-from-china/

Haddad Benjamin (April 14, 2023) Macron Said Out Loud What Europeans Really Think About China, Foreign Policy: https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/04/14/france-china-taiwan-macron-visit-europe-strategic-autonomy-trade/

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Jiangtao Shi, Xie Kawala (April 8, 2023) Macron trip, hailed as success, still raises questions about EU-China relations, South China Morning Post https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3216451/macron-trip-hailed-success-still-raises-questions-about-eu-china-relations

Remarks by President von der Leyen at the press conference at the end of her visit to China (April 6, 2023): https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/statement_23_2147

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Why French President Emmanuel Macron's visit to New Caledonia is unlikely to bring peace

French President Emmanuel Macron has arrived in New Caledonia after more than a week of deadly civil unrest and violence.

Mr Macron said he hoped peace and security would return to New Caledonia "as quickly as possible".

"My goal … is to be at the side of the population so that, as quickly as possible, we have the return of peace, calm, security," he said.

Mr Macron sat down with a host of senior political and business leaders at the French High Commission in Noumea, promising "open" and "frank" discussions on the territory's political future.

He said he wanted to hold discussions to "regain calm" and cool political tensions, but also warned that any path forward would have to respect the result of three recent referenda which saw voters opt to retain links with France.

"It can't be about turning back the clock [or] in not respecting the popular expression that has already been played out," he said.

The president also did not say whether he'd be willing to bow to a key demand of pro-independence leaders and abandon a move to expand voter rolls in New Caledonia.

With the island under a state of emergency, Mr Macron said the additional security in the territory totalling 3,000 personnel would remain, even during the Paris Olympics if required.

"I personally believe that the state of emergency should not be extended," he said, adding it would be lifted only when protesters remove the roadblocks.

Experts say Mr Macron's visit is unlikely to address the root causes of the turmoil — both political and economic.

The crisis — which has left six dead and hundreds injured — was sparked by plans to give voting rights to tens of thousands of non-Indigenous residents.

It was seen as an attempt to torpedo the independence movement led by the territory's Indigenous Kanaks, who make up more than 40 per cent of the population.

Pro-independence groups say they want the electoral reform scrapped and have called for an independent arbiter to get involved in negotiations between them and anti-independence groups.

The president of the New Caledonian Senate, pro-independence politician Roch Wamytan, was not excited about the prospect of Mr Macron visiting New Caledonia.

"Frankly, we don't expect anything," Mr Wamytan said.

He said scrapping the voting reform was key to bringing all parties back to the table, "so that we can continue the discussion with the state, but also with the non-independence branch, in order to see an agreement be reached in the coming months".

Jimmy Naouna, a spokesperson from the pro-independence Front de Libération  Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS), said it was a "political situation so there needs to be a political solution".

He also called for France to withdraw their troops.

"You can't keep sending in troops just to quell the protests, because that is just going to lead to more protests," he told the ABC's Pacific Beat.

"The political solution to this is for the negotiations to start again, but for that, there needs to be a secure and safe environment and peaceful environment, and for that, this electoral reform bill needs to be suspended or withdrawn."

Mr Naouna said that talks preceding the violence were derailed by the French government taking the side of the anti-independence groups.

"That's why we're calling for this high-level independent mission of dialogue to come to New Caledonia, because we've lost trust in Macron," he said.

In a further statement ahead of Mr Macron's arrival, the FLNKS reiterated its call for the continued decolonisation of the territory and independence.

"In any case, the FLNKS expects from this visit that the president of the republic will make an announcement falling under his sole responsibility which will provide a new lease of life with a view to resuming a peaceful and serene dialogue between the three political partners of the agreements," it said.

Not the first visit by a French president

New Caledonian political science researcher and historian Dr Ismet Kurtovitch said Mr Macron's visit was a surprise but not unprecedented.

"In 1985, in the middle of one of the highest points of the protests in New Caledonia in the 80s, the president [François] Mitterrand came [to New Caledonia], surprisingly," he said.

Mr Macron is reportedly bringing along three senior members of his government: Minister of Interior Gérald Darmanin, Minister of Defence Sébastien Lecornu and Minister Delegate for Overseas Affairs Marie Guévenoux.

Dr Kurtovitch said the purpose of Mr Macron's visit was to introduce these senior ministers who would "ease the talks" between groups for and against independence.

He said the visit's other purpose was for Mr Macron to get a real sense of the situation on the ground.

The AFP news agency reported that Mr Macron was expected to spend about 12 hours on the ground after up-turning his programme for the rest of the week just ahead of June's European elections.

He last visited New Caledonia, in a trip boycotted by Kanak representatives, in July 2023.

One presidential advisor told AFP on condition of anonymity the trip amounted to "double or quits".

"It's a bet," they said, while an MP described the trip as a "poker move". 

Such was the last-minute nature of the voyage, a schedule for the president was being drawn up during the 24-hour flight, without knowing who would be willing to meet him.

"This is absolute improvisation," said a source close to Mr Macron.

Will talks succeed?

Monash University academic Nicholas Ferns, a historian of colonialism in the Pacific, pointed out that Mr Darmanin himself had been involved with the electoral reform while Mr Lecornu was minister for overseas affairs when the government decided to hold the territory's controversial third and final independence referendum in 2021.

Representatives from the Indigenous Kanak community, which had just been devastated by the Delta COVID-19 variant and were observing traditional mourning customs, boycotted the vote after their requests for it to be delayed were ignored.

Dr Ferns said Mr Macron's decision to bring the two politicians suggested he was "not terribly interested in bringing in impartial arbiters".

"[Impartial arbiters] would be more effective than flying across the world accompanied by some of the key ministers involved in causing the immediate crisis," Dr Ferns said.

"He may try to negotiate with both pro- and anti-independence leaders regarding the electoral reforms but at this stage, it doesn't seem like Macron intends to drop them."

Dr Ferns said that economic inequality was a major problem in New Caledonia, and the divisions between the Indigenous Kanak population and European population had simmered for decades.

"The economic downturn associated with a collapse of the nickel industry can be connected to the riots, which have largely involved the younger Kanak population, who have been affected by economic issues," he said.

He said that in the longer term, Mr Macron and the French needed to "recognise some of the issues peculiar to New Caledonia".

"This would also mean coming to terms with the colonial relationship between France and New Caledonia, which has been identified as a key issue by neighbouring governments throughout the Pacific, [and involve] working closely with Indigenous leaders to navigate the process regarding possible independence," he said.

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Macron begins the first state visit to Germany by a French president in 24 years

German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier, right, and French President Emmanuel at the end of a press conference at Bellevue Place in Berlin, Germany, Sunday, May 26, 2024. (AP Photo/Markus Schreiber)

French President Emmanuel Macron attends a press conference at Bellevue Place in Berlin, Germany, Sunday, May 26, 2024. (AP Photo/Markus Schreiber)

German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier, right, and French President Emmanuel Macron enter the podium for a press conference at Bellevue Place in Berlin, Germany, Sunday, May 26, 2024. (AP Photo/Markus Schreiber)

German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier, right, and French President Emmanuel Macron walk to a press conference at Bellevue Place in Berlin, Germany, Sunday, May 26, 2024. (AP Photo/Markus Schreiber)

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BERLIN (AP) — President Emmanuel Macron on Sunday started the first state visit to Germany by a French head of state in 24 years, a three-day trip meant to underline the strong ties between the European Union’s traditional leading powers ahead of European Parliament elections in which far-right parties in both countries hope for gains.

The visit was originally meant to take place last July but was postponed at the last minute due to rioting in France following the killing of a 17-year-old by police .

While Macron is a frequent visitor to Germany as Paris and Berlin try to coordinate their positions on EU and foreign policy, this is the first state visit with full pomp since Jacques Chirac came in 2000. Macron and his wife, Brigitte, are being hosted by Germany’s largely ceremonial president, Frank-Walter Steinmeier.

It is “proof of the depth of the friendship between France and Germany” that Macron is visiting as Germany celebrates the 75th anniversary of its post-World War II constitution and before it marks the 35th anniversary in November of the fall of the Berlin Wall, Steinmeier said.

Steinmeier is holding a state banquet for Macron at his Bellevue palace in Berlin on Sunday evening before the two presidents travel on Monday to the eastern city of Dresden, where Macron will make a speech, and on Tuesday to Muenster in western Germany. The state visit will be followed later Tuesday by a meeting between Macron, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and ministers from both countries at a government guest house outside Berlin.

Germany and France, which have the EU’s biggest economies, have long been viewed as the motor of European integration, though there have often been differences in policy and emphasis between the two neighbors on a range of matters.

That was evident earlier this year in different positions on whether Western countries should rule out sending ground troops to Ukraine. Both nations are strong backers of Kyiv.

Macron on Sunday said there has frequently been talk of problems in Franco-German relations over the decades, but “France and Germany together have accomplished extraordinary things — they have been at the heart of this Europe.” He contrasted that with the countries’ history of war against each other until 1945.

He renewed a warning that Europe could “die” if it fails to build its own robust defense as Russia’s war in Ukraine rages on, or if it fails to undertake major trade and economic reforms to compete with China and the U.S.

Ahead of the European Parliament elections next month, Macron said that “fear of a changing world” is feeding a rise of the far-right in Europe.

“When we let these fears transform into anger, that feeds extremes,” he said, advocating “respect” in listening to people’s worries and greater “efficiency” in dealing with their problems.

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Macron heads to riot-hit New Caledonia as Australia, New Zealand evacuate tourists

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Reporting by Kirsty Needham, Lucy Craymer and Jill Gralow in Sydney, Tassilo Hummel, Ingrid Melander, Augustin Turpin in Paris; writing by Ingrid Melander and Kirsty Needham; Editing by Michael Perry, Christina Fincher, Nick Macfie and Alex Richardson

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