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Live the Second

The Italian-inspired Veloci watch calls on the rad dogs of our generation to live the second. Veloci watches come in five collections to suit every personality: Voyager for the seafarer, Cruise for those who like to sit back and enjoy the ride, Metro for the urbanite, Pulse for the fashionable athlete, and Aeronaute for the daredevil. You can pick the right colors for any occasion, and you can keep looking fresh from one adventure to another.

Dive watches for those who love to go deep, the ones who sail the world to sate their thirst for adventure and knowledge.

A journey with no itinerary. Cruise is about following life’s river and letting it take you where it pleases.

For the life of the party. Metro is your wingman for any long night out filled with bass and neon lights.

The teammate for champions on and off the court, who live to compete and strive to win at every game.

If you can conquer any challenge, this is your watch. Aeronaute equals speed, adrenaline, and chest hair.

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UNVEILING VELOCI: A MUST WATCH FOR THE BRAVE AND FEARLESS

The Italian-inspired Veloci watch dares you to live your life to every spirited second. You only live once, after all, and nobody knows what happens next. You owe it to yourself to fill your days with adventure, whether it’s defying gravity with skydiving or bungee jumping from thousands of feet in the air, or swimming into the depths of the sea with sharks. Time is golden, especially with Veloci, and it reminds you to have that insatiable thirst for a life well-lived.

In the midst of all these daring adventures, it’s imperative that you do it in style. Veloci stands for the young and the fashionable, the ones who face up to their biggest fears and do it with a daredevil attitude. They’re the ones who don’t forget to look good, no matter if they are hiking up the highest cliffs, or surfing the most treacherous waves — they know that making an effort to look good also means loving yourself.

Veloci watches, after all, are the perfect accessories to their ensembles, be it for the office, the night club, the mall, or the beach. Veloci is customizable and is meant to fit in with every aspect of their lives. Veloci comes in five collections, each with its own distinct characteristics, so you can take on your own adventures in style.

The Aeronaute is designed for the daredevils, those who have a need for speed, and believe that there is no challenge that they can’t conquer. The Voyager is for the seafarers, those who love skimming the waters and don’t mind plunging into the deep. They are the ones who sail the world to sate their thirst for wanderlust, and who want to experience every different culture that they come across.

The Cruise, meanwhile, is for those who like to sit back and enjoy the ride, for the spontaneous and the brave. They are the ones to forge on journeys without an itinerary, those who indulge themselves with a cold glass of mojito while sunbathing on a yacht deck and letting life take them where they please.

The Aeronaute , Voyager , and Cruise are characterized by their sophisticated Japanese movements, each with sleek stainless steel cases. Because Veloci is all about spontaneity, these watches also come with interchangeable Nato straps which can be switched in seconds and without tools.

Veloci also has a digital collection comprised of Pulse . Pulse is for the fashionable athlete, the teammate for champions on and off the court who live to compete and win at every game. It is 100 meter water resistant, and deliver function with an alarm and stop watch. Metro, meanwhile, is a new addition to the fashion collection. It is for the nocturnal urbanite, the life of the party and the wingman for any long night out filled with bass and neon lights.

There is no shortage of Veloci watches that cater to your varying styles. So whatever you dream of doing, Veloci is right there with you as you cross off items in your bucket list.

Veloci watches are available in all LTimestudio, Asprey boutiques and SM Department Stores.

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Published by Seph Cham

Seph Cham shares his passion for fashion and photography through his blog. He aims to provide fresh ideas not only in styling, but also in travel, gadgets, health, and lifestyle. View all posts by Seph Cham

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Timeless Pieces from Veloci

Accessories , Fashion | 1

It’s pretty obvious how much I love my Veloci watches when you see my OOTDs. Most of all, they have been my favorite travel companions. You can see some of my posts here: Cebu , Japan , and Cambodia . Through Veloci’s interchangeable NATO straps, I can easily mix and match them with the clothes I wear, as if I brought different watches with me. Haha! And because everybody loves Veloci, they’ve expanded their collection. I now have a new favorite!!! Oh my!!! 😀

Currently, Veloci has 3 collections under its belt- Cruise, Voyager, and the new Aeronaute.

Veloci Cruise  is a testament that color is everything. In this collection, VELOCI aims to breathe a fresh and practical perspective to its time pieces that match whatever you are wearing, whether on-the-go or simply just cruising about your day. The Cruise collection comes in a palette of colors from cool pastel pink to lemon yellow and subdued hues of gray and classic white to the more adventurous bright red, purple, and blue, all in a 38mm size.

 Veloci Cruise is priced at  PHP 2,750 , but for the mother of pearl white dial, it’s  PHP 2,950 .

Veloci Voyager collection, too, is inspired by the depths of the sea. It fits those with active lifestyle. The Voyager watch features a rotating bezel and comes a regular 40mm and the bigger size, a more modern 44mm.

If you noticed, Cruise has a more feminine touch, while Voyager can be considered as its masculine counterpart. But of course, being a lover of men’s watch, the rugged feel of Voyager appeals to me more. It also comes in various colors of dials from bold orange to classic black, silver and blue. The blue face with nautical strap below is TDF, don’t you think?! 😀 😀 😀

Veloci Voyager ranges from PHP 3,450 to PHP 3,950 .

Now, Veloci takes to the skies in this new collection with a premium timepiece known as Aeronaute . Taking the center stage is the dark and sophisticated colors. It also comes in a few lighter shades, like subdued yellow and white.

Veloci Aeronaute ranges from PHP 3,250 to PHP 5,850 . The first 3 watches in the photo below is the one priced at PHP 5,850. Not bad, eh? Judging by its looks, I even thought it’s about PHP 10,000!

This is what I was talking about earlier. I found my new favorite from the Aeronaute collection! Okay, correction: “favorites”. I can’t help but drool!!! My top 3 favorites: Chronograph stainless steel with black dial and yellow numbers, Chronograph army green dial, and last but not the least, Chronograph black case with black dial and orange numbers. Ahhh… I’ve been imagining them on my wrist! Haha! 😀

It’s amazing how Veloci creates timeless Italian-inspired watches that are really affordable. Quality is not even a question as Veloci uses high-grade Japanese movements and high-quality nylon NATO straps. Here are only some of the NATO straps available you can use for the watches. They look so fun, young, colorful and stylish!!! 😀

So now, what’s your favorite? 😀

VELOCI watch is available at selected L TIMESTUDIO, Timegear, and Asprey Boutiques.

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Meet the Voyager, a watch design made for travelers. A waterproof and dual time watch inspired by places that call to adventurers and jet-setters. This travel-inspired watch features a 42mm case, 10 ATM water resistance and dual timezone functionality for any hour, any place. With 12 different colorways of unexpected color contrasts, dial pops and details, find your perfect travel partner with the Voyager.

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Iconic yet contemporary, Icon and QuattroValvole head the range of Meccaniche Veloci - Genève timepieces.

Icon and QuattroValvole feature a 49mm diameter case together with the new in-house MV8802 [+] calibre, a mechanical self-winding movement made entirely in La Chaux-de-Fonds in Switzerland, allowing independent and simultaneous display of four different time zones.

Icon models feature four separate dials with four separate anti-reflective sapphire crystals.

QuattroValvole models feature a single dial with one large anti-reflective sapphire crystal.

The strap is attached directly to the case without horns through a special insert [+] and is equipped with a deployant buckle [+] .

Icon and QuattroValvole embody the quintessence of Meccaniche Veloci - Genève.

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Calibre: MV 8802 Movement: Mechanical, bidirectional self-winding Dimensions: Ø 44.30 mm; Height: 6.80 mm Functions: 4 independent time zones, instantaneous date, stop-seconds Main dial: hour, minute and date at 9 o'clock Ancillary dials: hour, minute, and seconds (1) / hour and minute (2) Rotor: MV cog, perlage finishing Power reserve: approximately 42 hours Frequency: 28,800 oscillations / hour Number of parts: 370 Number of jewels: 50 Finishings: perlage, sablage, rodiage, paint.

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NASA’s Voyager 1 Resumes Sending Engineering Updates to Earth

NASA’s Voyager 1 spacecraft is depicted in this artist’s concept traveling through interstellar space, or the space between stars, which it entered in 2012.

After some inventive sleuthing, the mission team can — for the first time in five months — check the health and status of the most distant human-made object in existence.

For the first time since November , NASA’s Voyager 1 spacecraft is returning usable data about the health and status of its onboard engineering systems. The next step is to enable the spacecraft to begin returning science data again. The probe and its twin, Voyager 2, are the only spacecraft to ever fly in interstellar space (the space between stars).

Voyager 1 stopped sending readable science and engineering data back to Earth on Nov. 14, 2023, even though mission controllers could tell the spacecraft was still receiving their commands and otherwise operating normally. In March, the Voyager engineering team at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Southern California confirmed that the issue was tied to one of the spacecraft’s three onboard computers, called the flight data subsystem (FDS). The FDS is responsible for packaging the science and engineering data before it’s sent to Earth.

After receiving data about the health and status of Voyager 1 for the first time in five months, members of the Voyager flight team celebrate in a conference room at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory on April 20.

The team discovered that a single chip responsible for storing a portion of the FDS memory — including some of the FDS computer’s software code — isn’t working. The loss of that code rendered the science and engineering data unusable. Unable to repair the chip, the team decided to place the affected code elsewhere in the FDS memory. But no single location is large enough to hold the section of code in its entirety.

So they devised a plan to divide the affected code into sections and store those sections in different places in the FDS. To make this plan work, they also needed to adjust those code sections to ensure, for example, that they all still function as a whole. Any references to the location of that code in other parts of the FDS memory needed to be updated as well.

The team started by singling out the code responsible for packaging the spacecraft’s engineering data. They sent it to its new location in the FDS memory on April 18. A radio signal takes about 22 ½ hours to reach Voyager 1, which is over 15 billion miles (24 billion kilometers) from Earth, and another 22 ½ hours for a signal to come back to Earth. When the mission flight team heard back from the spacecraft on April 20, they saw that the modification worked: For the first time in five months, they have been able to check the health and status of the spacecraft.

Get the Latest News from the Final Frontier

During the coming weeks, the team will relocate and adjust the other affected portions of the FDS software. These include the portions that will start returning science data.

Voyager 2 continues to operate normally. Launched over 46 years ago , the twin Voyager spacecraft are the longest-running and most distant spacecraft in history. Before the start of their interstellar exploration, both probes flew by Saturn and Jupiter, and Voyager 2 flew by Uranus and Neptune.

Caltech in Pasadena, California, manages JPL for NASA.

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Stephen Clark, Ars Technica

How NASA Repaired Voyager 1 From 15 Billion Miles Away

Engineers have partially restored a 1970s-era computer on NASA's Voyager 1 spacecraft after five months of long-distance troubleshooting , building confidence that humanity's first interstellar probe can eventually resume normal operations.

Several dozen scientists and engineers gathered Saturday in a conference room at NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory, or connected virtually, to wait for a new signal from Voyager 1. The ground team sent a command up to Voyager 1 on Thursday to recode part of the memory of the spacecraft's Flight Data Subsystem (FDS) , one of the probe's three computers.

“In the minutes leading up to when we were going to see a signal, you could have heard a pin drop in the room,” said Linda Spilker, project scientist for NASA's two Voyager spacecraft at JPL. “It was quiet. People were looking very serious. They were looking at their computer screens. Each of the subsystem (engineers) had pages up that they were looking at, to watch as they would be populated.”

Finally, a Breakthrough

Launched nearly 47 years ago, Voyager 1 is flying on an outbound trajectory more than 15 billion miles (24 billion kilometers) from Earth, and it takes 22.5 hours for a radio signal to cover that distance at the speed of light. This means it takes nearly two days for engineers to uplink a command to Voyager 1 and get a response.

In November, Voyager 1 suddenly stopped transmitting its usual stream of data containing information about the spacecraft's health and measurements from its scientific instruments. Instead, the spacecraft's datastream was entirely unintelligible. Because the telemetry was unreadable, experts on the ground could not easily tell what went wrong. They hypothesized the source of the problem might be in the memory bank of the FDS.

There was a breakthrough last month when engineers sent up a novel command to “poke” Voyager 1's FDS to send back a readout of its memory. This readout allowed engineers to pinpoint the location of the problem in the FDS memory . The FDS is responsible for packaging engineering and scientific data for transmission to Earth.

After a few weeks, NASA was ready to uplink a solution to get the FDS to resume packing engineering data. This datastream includes information on the status of the spacecraft—things like power levels and temperature measurements. This command went up to Voyager 1 through one of NASA's large Deep Space Network antennae on Thursday.

Then, the wait for a response. Spilker, who started working on Voyager right out of college in 1977, was in the room when Voyager 1's signal reached Earth on Saturday.

“When the time came to get the signal, we could clearly see all of a sudden, boom, we had data, and there were tears and smiles and high fives,” she told Ars. “Everyone was very happy and very excited to see that, hey, we're back in communication again with Voyager 1. We're going to see the status of the spacecraft, the health of the spacecraft, for the first time in five months.”

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Throughout the five months of troubleshooting, Voyager's ground team continued to receive signals indicating the spacecraft was still alive. But until Saturday, they lacked insight into specific details about the status of Voyager 1.

“It’s pretty much just the way we left it,” Spilker said. “We're still in the initial phases of analyzing all of the channels and looking at their trends. Some of the temperatures went down a little bit with this period of time that's gone on, but we're pretty much seeing everything we had hoped for. And that's always good news.”

Relocating Code

Through their investigation, Voyager's ground team discovered that a single chip responsible for storing a portion of the FDS memory had stopped working, probably due to either a cosmic ray hit or a failure of aging hardware. This affected some of the computer's software code.

“That took out a section of memory,” Spilker said. “What they have to do is relocate that code into a different portion of the memory, and then make sure that anything that uses those codes, those subroutines, know to go to the new location of memory, for access and to run it.”

Only about 3 percent of the FDS memory was corrupted by the bad chip, so engineers needed to transplant that code into another part of the memory bank. But no single location is large enough to hold the section of code in its entirety, NASA said.

So the Voyager team divided the code into sections for storage in different places in the FDS. This wasn't just a copy-and-paste job. Engineers needed to modify some of the code to make sure it will all work together. “Any references to the location of that code in other parts of the FDS memory needed to be updated as well,” NASA said in a statement.

Newer NASA missions have hardware and software simulators on the ground, where engineers can test new procedures to make sure they do no harm when they uplink commands to the real spacecraft. Due to its age, Voyager doesn't have any ground simulators, and much of the mission's original design documentation remains in paper form and hasn't been digitized.

“It was really eyes-only to look at the code,” Spilker said. “So we had to triple check. Everybody was looking through and making sure we had all of the links coming together.”

This was just the first step in restoring Voyager 1 to full functionality. “We were pretty sure it would work, but until it actually happened, we didn't know 100 percent for sure,” Spilker said.

“The reason we didn’t do everything in one step is that there was a very limited amount of memory we could find quickly, so we prioritized one data mode (the engineering data mode), and relocated only the code to restore that mode,” said Jeff Mellstrom, a JPL engineer who leads the Voyager 1 “tiger team” tasked with overcoming this problem.

“The next step, to relocate the remaining three actively used science data modes, is essentially the same,” Mellstrom said in a written response to Ars. “The main difference is the available memory constraint is now even tighter. We have ideas where we could relocate the code, but we haven’t yet fully assessed the options or made a decision. These are the first steps we will start this week.”

It could take “a few weeks” to go through the sections of code responsible for packaging Voyager 1's science data in the FDS, Spilker said.

That will be the key payoff, Spilker said. Voyager 1 and its twin spacecraft, Voyager 2, are the only operating probes flying in the interstellar medium, the diffuse gas between the stars. Their prime missions are long over. Voyager 1 flew by Jupiter and Saturn in 1979 and 1980, then got a gravitational boost toward the outer edge of the Solar System. Voyager 2 took a slower trajectory and encountered Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus, and Neptune.

For the past couple of decades, NASA has devoted Voyager's instruments to studying cosmic rays, the magnetic field, and the plasma environment in interstellar space. They're not taking pictures anymore. Both probes have traveled beyond the heliopause, where the flow of particles emanating from the Sun runs into the interstellar medium.

But any scientific data collected by Voyager 1 since November 14 has been lost. The spacecraft does not have the ability to store science data onboard. Voyager 2 has remained operational during the outage of Voyager 1.

Scientists are eager to get their hands on Voyager 1's science data again. “With the results we got on Saturday, we have new confidence that we can put together the pieces we need to now get back the science data,” Spilker said.

“One thing I'm particularly excited about—there's this feature in the Voyager 1 data. We nicknamed it Pressure Front 2,” Spilker said. “Pressure Front 2 is a jump in both the density of the plasma around the spacecraft and the magnetic field. It's lasted for three-and-a-half years.”

“We'd like to see, is this still there?” she continued. “It's different from what we've seen in the past, and we're trying to figure out, is it some influence coming from the Sun, or is it actually something coming from interstellar space that's creating this feature? So we'd like to see it again, get more data, and be able to study it more carefully.”

This story originally appeared on Ars Technica .

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Normal Is Over for Russia’s Hinterland

The ongoing protests in russia’s far east aren’t a one-off—they’re a preview of the future of the country’s periphery..

The Far Eastern Russian city of Khabarovsk, located just 19 miles from the Chinese border, was not incorporated into the Russian Empire until the mid-19th century. Imperial Russia’s control over its easternmost regions was always shaky: It’s hard to keep tabs on a place that lies thousands of miles away from the capital, across ancient forests and frozen rivers. Today, eastern Russia is poor and sparsely populated, a booming China is eager to exploit Russian lumber and other resources in the area, and the locals are restive, as evidenced by a series of major protests in Khabarovsk and neighboring cities over the past month.

Throughout Russia’s years under President Vladimir Putin, hot spots of resentment and anger have flared up now and then across the country. Protests in the provinces have tended to center on economic questions such as pensions, tariffs, and tolls, while more glamorous pro-democracy protests—the ones most likely to attract international attention—have been concentrated in Moscow. But bread-and-butter issues may have greater potential to unify a sprawling country, and more than one empire has fallen thanks to unrest in its hinterlands.

The Khabarovsk demonstrations began after the July 9 arrest of the region’s governor, Sergei Furgal, who is accused of ordering four murders in 2004 and 2005. The people of Khabarovsk were furious at the arrest, which they viewed, quite reasonably, as a Kremlin plot against democracy. Pro-Furgal memes circulated online, a petition garnered more than 30,000 signatures, and in a city of just 600,000 people, tens of thousands came out to protest. There have been daily rallies, with major demonstrations every Saturday. Chants have included slogans such as “Our vote, our Furgal” and “Putin, resign.”

Furgal didn’t set out to become an opposition hero. Before going into politics in 2005, he ran businesses that managed lumber and scrap metal, two hypercompetitive industries in the Far East that are often connected to organized crime. (Local voters are willing to excuse a checkered past.) He was elected in 2018 in a surprise victory over the United Russia incumbent, Vyacheslav Shport. Then a long-serving member of the State Duma, Furgal didn’t even bother to think up a campaign slogan for his gubernatorial run. His billboards showed only his face and name, without even stating which position he was running for. But United Russia, Putin’s party, had so angered voters with its attempts to raise the retirement age that many voted for Furgal simply because he was the candidate of the Liberal Democratic Party, which opposed the change. Furgal virtually tied with Shport in the first round. Despite reported pressure from the Kremlin to drop out, Furgal remained in the race—though he did leave town during the runoff to avoid unduly influencing the results. He won 70 percent of votes in that second round. The Kremlin punished him by changing the Far Eastern Federal District’s capital from Khabarovsk to Vladivostok, and by opening an investigation against a former governor who had supported Furgal’s campaign.

This retaliation made Furgal a “symbol of popular resistance,” according to Meduza ’s Andre y Pertsev. Furgal experimented with a new identity, joining protesters and criticizing United Russia officials. The Liberal Democratic Party swept the 2019 Khabarovsk elections, though Furgal again declined to campaign. Putin’s ratings in Khabarovsk fell, provoking further federal wrath. The authorities raided a firm linked to Furgal and arrested his ex-business partner on murder charges; the ex-partner then testified against him on murder charges from his scrap-metal career. Furgal’s days of freedom were numbered.

Wild though the Khabarovsk scrap-metal scene may have been, it seems that the charges against Furgal are bogus. An investigation by the independent paper Novaya Gazeta suggested that two of the murders of which Furgal is accused were not his doing, but were the result of a mafia conflict involving a man called “the Crab” and a food-cart business. A third charge doesn’t hold up to scrutiny, and the fourth murder, which was committed by Furgal’s driver, occurred spontaneously after a spat over a scrap-metal delivery.

So far, federal authorities have responded to the Khabarovsk protests with a mixture of soothing promises and mild punishment. Given the harsh treatment of protesters in Moscow—for instance, widespread arbitrary arrests during last summer’s protests over unfair city elections—the relatively gentle treatment of Khabarovsk marchers suggests that Moscow may find it harder or less desirable to bully citizens in far-flung places. Mikhail Degtiarev, the Liberal Democratic Party member of the State Duma who was appointed acting governor on July 20, told residents that Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin had pledged 1.3 trillion rubles ($17.9 million) in funding for Khabarovsk. (Degtiarev has never lived in Khabarovsk and keeps leaving town during the weekend protests, to the disgust of the demonstrators .) Degtiarev also promised to create a “People’s Council” that could communicate popular demands to the governor.

Degtiarev posted on Instagram about armed and dangerous protesters and has made suggestions about foreign incitement, but he has avoided decisive action against the movement. So far, two protesters have been arrested and sentenced to weeklong jail terms for organizing unsanctioned rallies, two have been fined, and a few more have been detained before protests or attacked by unidentified men. But for the most part, the Khabarovsk police have let the marches continue unhindered. The most recent Saturday march , on Aug. 1, was the smallest so far, perhaps because of heavy rain that day. But “small” is relative: There were about 10,000 people marching.

The highest-profile protests of the Putin era thus far have been the demonstrations from 2011 to 2013 against election fraud, which centered in Moscow and included famous writers and many members of Moscow’s cosmopolitan, well-educated creative class. In response to this movement, which threatened to become a Russian version of a Ukrainian-style “color revolution,” Putin and his administration attempted to pit the Moscow and St. Petersburg creative class against the supposed silent majority of the Russian provinces. The Pussy Riot show trial, for example, was part of an effort to portray Moscow protesters as blasphemous European-style hipsters who spat on the faith of ordinary Orthodox Russians. It was easy to stimulate resentment against Moscow privilege: After all, the government had been concentrating power and wealth there since the 1990s, making the city into a top-tier glittering international capital even as the provinces languished.

But the provinces haven’t been as silent as the Russian government might like. Over the past two decades, there have been a number of significant protests outside Moscow and St. Petersburg. These have often been linked to straightforward economic grievances—in particular to falling living standards and efforts to dismantle the Soviet-style social safety net, which many Russians still consider to be a basic right. In 2005, an attempt to switch from in-kind social benefits to cash payments prompted protests in a dozen Russian cities. Demonstrators blocked highways and railways and took over government buildings. In 2008, the riot police broke up a demonstration in Vladivostok against new tariffs on imported cars; from 2009 to 2010, Kaliningrad residents demonstrated against new vehicle tariffs, and eventually against their United Russia governor and Putin. Beginning in 2015, truckers organized a strike against a new toll road system, and from 2017 to 2018 there were anti-corruption protests across the country, led by anti-corruption activist and opposition leader Alexei Navalny. Anger against the 2018 proposal to raise the retirement age was not limited to Khabarovsk; it provoked protests in most of Russia’s major cities, and contributed to several significant losses for United Russia in the 2018 elections.

As climate change accelerates, environmental questions are moving to the forefront of provincial protests. More and more Russians are demonstrating against deforestation, pollution, and government failure to prevent or control disasters such as the wildfires that now choke Siberia every summer. Last year, protesters in Krasnoyarsk demanded their governor’s resignation , furious at his statement that it didn’t make economic sense to fight the wildfires that filled the region’s air with smoke.

The Shiyes landfill protests from 2018 to 2020, in the Arkhangelsk region and the Komi Republic, have had a particularly strong metaphorical charge. When hunters discovered a secret construction site in the forest , locals learned of plans to build a new dump for Moscow’s unsorted garbage, which would have released large quantities of toxic effluvia that could have entered waterways, potentially making it all the way to the Barents Sea. Activists built roadblocks to prevent construction and established a large tent city . This protest movement, which included Indigenous activists, environmentalists, and c ommunists, had endurance: In December 2019, activists reported that a protest in Kotlas (which is, coincidentally, the birthplace of Yerofey Khabarov, the 17th-century explorer for whom Khabarovsk is named) attracted between 5,000 and 10,000 people, in a town of just 60,000. Construction halted, but activists remained on guard. In June 2020, the Arkhangelsk regional government terminated its agreement with the construction company.

Most recently, Putin caused an outcry from environmentalists when he signed a new measure, on July 31, that will open protected areas around Siberia’s Lake Baikal, the largest freshwater lake in the world and home to a unique, ancient ecosystem. Last year, locals managed to block plans to build a Chinese water bottling plant along the shores of the lake, which has long been threatened by pollution from industry, mining, and agriculture. With Russia warming about twice as fast as the rest of the world, environmental protests will most likely grow in the coming years. In a 2018 poll by the Presidential Human Rights Council, respondents said that the right most often violated by the authorities was the right to a healthy environment. (Runners-up were the rights to fair trials and elections.) As climate change continues to affect harvests, damage infrastructure (which is particularly vulnerable in areas where it was built on permafrost, which is now thawing), and contribute to natural disasters, environmental and economic concerns will converge, potentially giving rise to new protests across Siberia, the Far East, and the Arctic. The Putin administration spends much of its energy worrying about NATO and its western border, but trouble is stirring in the east and the north, too.

What would it take to turn these bursts of regional protest into a sustained national movement? Organizers will need to find problems that can unite Russians across regions and across the political spectrum. Navalny’s signature issue, the fight against corruption, has proven its enduring appeal for voters and activists of many stripes. A lack of democratic representation, falling living standards, and the erosion of the social safety net cause indignation in the metropolitan centers as well as in the provinces. Climate change still has little political currency in Russia, but concern over environmental degradation has the potential to gain national political prominence, as it did in the Soviet Union in the 1970s and 1980s. In the end, real change may be a matter of numbers: of protesters, of activists, of regions ready to take to the streets. Once the whole forest is aflame, it becomes very hard to put out the fire.  

Sophie Pinkham is a writer specializing in Russian and Ukrainian culture and politics and the author of Black Square: Adventures in Post-Soviet Ukraine . Twitter:  @sophiepinkhmmm

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Protests Swell in Russia’s Far East in a Stark New Challenge to Putin

Demonstrations in the city of Khabarovsk drew tens of thousands for the third straight weekend. The anger, fueled by the arrest of a popular governor, has little precedent in modern Russia.

By Anton Troianovski

KHABAROVSK, Russia — Watching the passing masses of protesters chanting “Freedom!” and “Putin resign!” while passing drivers honked, applauded and offered high-fives, a sidewalk vendor selling little cucumbers and plastic cups of forest raspberries said she would join in, too, if she did not have to work.

“There will be a revolution,” the vendor, Irina Lukasheva, 56, predicted. “What did our grandfathers fight for? Not for poverty or for the oligarchs sitting over there in the Kremlin.”

The protests in Khabarovsk, a city 4,000 miles east of Moscow, drew tens of thousands of people for a three-mile march through central streets for the third straight week on Saturday . Residents were rallying in support of a popular governor arrested and spirited to Moscow this month — but their remarkable outpouring of anger, which has little precedent in post-Soviet Russia, has emerged as stark testimony to the discontent that President Vladimir V. Putin faces across the country.

Mr. Putin won a tightly scripted referendum less than four weeks ago that rewrote the Constitution to allow him to stay in office until 2036. But the vote, seen as fraudulent by critics and many analysts, provided little but a fig leaf for public disenchantment with corruption, stifled freedoms and stagnant incomes made worse by the pandemic .

“When a person lives not knowing how things are supposed to be, he thinks things are good,” said Artyom Aksyonov, 31, who is in the transportation business and who was handing out water from the trunk of his car to protesters under the baking sun in Lenin Square, on the protest route. “But when you open your eyes to the truth, you realize things were not good. This was all an illusion.”

Across Russia, fear of being detained by the police and the seeming hopelessness of effecting change has largely kept people off the streets. Many Russians also say that whatever Mr. Putin’s faults, the alternative could be worse or lead to greater chaos. For the most part, anti-Kremlin protests have been limited to a few thousand people in Moscow and other big cities, where the authorities usually crack down harshly.

Partly as a result, Mr. Putin remains firmly in control. And independent polling shows he still enjoys a 60 percent approval rating, though the figure has been falling.

But the events in Khabarovsk have shown that the well of discontent is such that minor events can ignite a firestorm. The weekend crowds have been so large that the police have not tried to control them — even though the protesters did not have a permit, let alone a clear leader or organizer.

And with Russians switching en masse from television, which is controlled by the government, to the largely uncensored internet to get their news, the state can easily lose its grip on the narrative.

Khabarovsk, a city of 600,000 close to the eastern terminus of the Trans-Siberian Railway and the Chinese border, had not seen any protests of much significance since the early 1990s. That changed after July 9, when a SWAT team dragged the governor, Sergei I. Furgal , out of his car and whisked him to Moscow on 15-year-old murder accusations.

Khabarovsk social media forums erupted in indignation over an arrest that looked like a Kremlin move to eliminate a young and well-liked politician who had upset an ally of Mr. Putin in the regional election in 2018.

Tens of thousands spontaneously poured into the streets on July 11 as residents called for protests online, and they re-emerged in greater numbers on July 18. Smaller-scale marches through the city continued daily.

Russian journalists who have been following the protests since the beginning said Saturday’s crowds were the biggest yet. Opposition activists estimated that 50,000 to 100,000 had turned out . City officials said that about 6,500 people had attended , clearly an undercount.

As they have on previous weekends, the protesters gathered in the central Lenin Square by the headquarters of the regional government. They marched down a main street, blocking traffic, and made a three-mile loop through the city center before returning to the square. Police officers walked along casually on the sidewalk, without interfering.

The crowd, some of whom wore face masks stenciled with Mr. Furgal’s name, looked like a cross section of the city, including working-class and middle-class residents, pensioners and young people. The most concrete demand in their chants was that Mr. Furgal face trial in Khabarovsk rather than in Moscow, but they did not shy away from challenging Mr. Putin directly. They shouted “Shame on the Kremlin!”, “Russia, wake up!” and “We are the ones in power!”

Mr. Putin last Monday appointed a 39-year-old politician from outside the region, Mikhail V. Degtyarev, as the acting governor of the Khabarovsk region, angering residents further. Asked whether he would meet with the protesters, Mr. Degtyarev told reporters that he had better things to do than talk to people “screaming outside the windows.”

The Kremlin appears determined to wait the protests out. The regional authorities have warned that they could worsen the spread of the pandemic, announcing on Saturday a sharp rise in coronavirus infections and noting that medical equipment and personnel had arrived from Moscow to aid local hospitals.

One of the protesters, Vadim Serzhantov, a 35-year-old railway company employee, said he had held little interest in politics until recently. The arrest of Mr. Furgal, whom residents praise for populist moves such as cutting back on officials’ perks, was a turning point, Mr. Serzhantov said.

“To be honest, I used to not care at all,” Mr. Serzhantov said. “But this is lawlessness.”

Anton Troianovski has been a Moscow correspondent for The New York Times since September 2019. He was previously Moscow bureau chief of The Washington Post and spent nine years with The Wall Street Journal in Berlin and New York. More about Anton Troianovski